HOME DEFENCES

The preceding section has given us an idea of how matters were for the Ibadans at Kiriji. Now, whilst all this was going on at the seat of war, the Ijebu and Egba kidnappers were not inactive at home, raiding the Ibadan farms, sometimes successfully, but sometimes repulsed, but making farming risky and unsafe until a scheme was evolved of a complete organization for home defence.

There are three main points from which the attacks may be expected (a) the farms contiguous to those of the Egbas; (b) the route leading to Ijebu Igbo; and (c) that leading to Ijebu Ode. Arrangements were perfected by building forts in a central point in each of these main routes, for the better protection of the farmers. Whilst the hunters were in the forests, hunting for game and on the look-out for kidnappers, the farmers could work in their farms with composure and confidence. They were instructed to hasten to the forts with their women and children at a given signal by the hunters. The men went to their farms well armed, and were ready for any emergency.

The fort in the direction of the Egbas was left in charge of some hunters, and a few old warriors left at home. But the Egbas once surprised the fort at Itosi and carried away much people; some of them, however, were rescued by the hunters who pursued after the kidnappers.

OROWÙSI'S ADMINISTRATION

Ibadan was the one place that loomed largely in people's eyes at this period (1870). To have taken Ilesa was regarded as a feat of extraordinary magnitude it being a town of great strength, both in its fortifications and in its able-bodied citizens; and consequently the eyes of all surrounding tribes were fixed on the town situated on the hills.

The first duty of the Ibadans now was to fill up the vacancies among the ruling chiefs and to settle home affairs.

They had only been at home for less than two months when on the 1st of September the town had to lament the death of Osun, the first-born son of Ogunmola the late Basorun. It was a great loss to the community, as the late Basorun had only two sons and a daughter. The town went into mourning for a month, and then arrangements were made to confer the title of Bale on Orowùsi. On the 30th September Agbarò the Ilari sent by the Alâfin for the purpose conferred the title on him in the presence of all the chiefs and a large assemblage of people.

On the 5th day after, the Bale began to confer the principal titles by batches; the most important of which we need mention are:—Ajobo who became the Balogun, Latosisà the Otun, Ajayi Ogboriefon the Osi, Ali Laluwoye the Asipa, Lawoyin the Seriki, Ojo Oroñna the Otun Seriki, Tajo the Otun Bale.

THE SPREAD OF ANARCHY AND FALL OF AFONJA

An interregnum followed the last reign but for how long, it is not known; after which Majotu was placed on the throne. The whole country was at this time in the greatest disorder, wars and rumours of war being the order of the day. The tocsin of war resounded from every quarter, and the new King found himself incapable of coping with the situation.

The Epos, imitating the Kakanfo at Ilorin organized a military band which they called Ogo Were (i.e. the Jackals) at the head of which was the Aresà but with what object in view, it was not known. The Kakanfo received the news with mixed feelings of jealousy and suspicion; he sent and enquired of Toyeje the Bale of Ogbomoso his Otun i.e. commander of his right, what he understood by that movement. Toyeje could not say. War was in consequence declared against the Epos, and several towns in that province were taken, only Ogbàhágbàhá and Iwo amongst the principal towns escaped. Ilobu and Ejigbo amongst the Ibolos were also taken, and the Ogo Were suppressed.

Afonja was now the sole power in the kingdom; the King and the capital were left to manage their own affairs by themselves.

THE CELEBRATED BATTLE OF IKIRUN OTHERWISE CALLED—“THE JALUMI WAR”

The Are of Ibadan at this crisis hastily filled up one or two gaps in the ranks of the chiefs. Oranyan was worshipped on the 20th October and the standard of war immediately marched northwards to the seat of carnage. It was a most unfavourable time for the army to march out, as it was the time of the latter rains. The rivers were unusually full, and unhappily many of the soldiers found a watery grave in the overswollen Oba and Osun rivers before ever they came in sight of the enemy.

The expedition was altogether a trying one for the Balogun, for the Are even in this hour of danger recklessly continued to practise those short-sighted, suicidal policies of his which tended to weaken the power of Ibadan, thus showing a great lack of statesmanship. He slyly tried to handicap the Balogun by making the Osi his rival. To this young man already of considerable importance he assigned most of his own war-chiefs and his fighting slaves, and also all the fighting men of the late Seriki Iyapo his old rival. Intoxicated with such honours conferred upon him, the Osi looked down upon the Balogun; he not only refused to obey orders, but often dictated his wish to the Balogun.

The entire Yoruba country has never been thoroughly organized into one complete government in a modern sense. The system that prevails is that known as the Feudal, the remoter portions have always lived more or less in a state of semi-independence, whilst loosely acknowledging an over-lord. The king of Benin was one of the first to be independent of the central government, and was even better known to foreigners who frequented his ports in early times, and who knew nothing of his over-lord in the then unexplored and unknown interior.

Yoruba Proper, however, was completely organized, and the descriptions here given refer chiefly to it. With some variations most of the smaller governments were generally modelled after it, but in a much simpler form, and solely in their domestic affairs; foreign relations so far as then obtained, before the period of the revolution were entirely in the hands of the central government at Oyo (Eyeo or Katunga). It should be remembered that the coast tribes were of much less importance then than now, both in population and in intelligence; light and civilization with the Yorubas came from the north with which they have always retained connection through the Arabs and Fulanis. The centre of life and activity, of large populations and industry was therefore in the interior, whilst the coast tribes were scanty in number, ignorant and degraded not only from their distance from the centre of light, but also through their demoralizing intercourse with Europeans, and the transactions connected with the oversea slave trade.

PRINCE ATIBA: HIS EARLY LIFE AND HISTORY

Prince Atiba was the son of King Abiodun by an Akeitan woman. According to one account, he was born in the city of Oyo, his father died when he was but a child, and when Abiodun's children were being ill-treated by King Aole his mother fled with him to her own town in the country.

But another account was of a more romantic interest and is more probable, as being characteristic of that age. According to this account, his mother, a slave at Gudugbu, was given as a hostage to the Alâfin of Oyo. She had an intimate friend who was much distressed by this separation. After 8 or 10 weary months, she was resolved at all costs to go up to the city to visit her friend with whom she had been associated from childhood.

The Gudugbu hostage was too insignificant to be noticed among the crowd of women in the King's harem until this strange visit of her friend drew the King's attention to her. The visitor from the country loitering within the precincts of the palace was asking all whom she saw coming from the women's quarters to call her Eni-Olufan one of the King's wives, but no one knew who that was. At length King Abiodun was told that a woman from the country was asking for one of his wives, and this unusual incident aroused the King's curiosity.

THE ALÂFIN'S EFFORTS FOR PEACE

After the failure of Derin's efforts, circumstances compelled the Alâfin to make a genuine effort for the restoration of peace.

(a) The Dahomian ravages of the western district, and the threats to “visit Oyo this coming dry season.”

(b) The men of the frontier towns sent to him to say that they will all desert their towns if the King could not send an army to protect them.

But the King's most effective army are the Ibadans, and those with them and they are pre-occupied.

On the 9th of October, 1881, he sent for the Rev. D. Olubi of Ibadan as head of the missionaries in the interior at the time, and with him “any two of his sensible colleagues.” The order was obeyed on the 12th and the interview took place on the 13th.

There were present at the interview:

Two Oyo officials, viz., The Olosi, who is the King's vade mecum as it were, and the Apeka, who is the white men's intermediary with the court.

Also Mr. Jonathan Ojelabi, the foremost Christian gentleman at Oyo at the time. These are of Oyo. The Rev. D. Olubi, Mr. J. Okusehinde, and the writer, both Catechists under Mr. Olubi at Ibadan. Also Mr. A. F. Foster, by whom the letter to Mr. Olubi was written for the King, being the C.M.S. Scripture Reader at Iseyin, and also the Aseyin's messenger.

EGUGUOJU

Eguguoju having succeeded his father, became the leader of his people to Oyo; the camp at Kusu was broken up and they carried the remains of the late King with them for state funeral at home.

They encamped next at Ìju Sanya, a desert place. Whilst there two large birds an Igbò and an Òyó were seen fighting, and they chased each other from the bough of the tree under which the King sat until they came down to the ground, and he ordered both to be caught and killed.

This occurrence was regarded by him as a happy omen; he therefore resolved to build a city there and to remove the seat of government to that place From the example of the birds, he was resolved to fight to the last drop of blood in his veins any army that came against him there, never showing the “white feather.” The city was accordingly built there, and was named Oyo Igboho, after the two birds, Igbo and Òyó, and there he buried the remains of his father.

Nothing remarkable was recorded of this King except that he built Igboho, which became the last resting-place of four Yoruba Kings before the government was again removed to the ancient capital.

GOVERNOR CARTER'S PROGRESS UP COUNTRY

Governor Carter was not the man to leave his work half done. The refractory and irreconcilable Ijebus had been subjugated; the Egbas had submitted and their apologies accepted. He now proceeded to the further interior to put an end to the protracted war, fraught with so much evil to the country. The measure adopted for this purpose was the only one capable of dispersing such fierce combatants, viz., an armed intervention advocated for by the writer all through these wearisome years. Although it might not be necessary to pull a trigger, yet a display of force offered a far more convincing weight of argument than volumes of treaties, faultless though these may be in aim and purpose. The presence of the Governor himself gave additional weight and importance to the Mission.

Governor Carter left Lagos on the 3rd January, 1893, for his tour. He was accompanied by a posse of Hausa soldiers, with Captain Bower, one of the officers who came out for the Ijebu war. The Maxim gun was en évidence throughout the whole way.

The Governor went via Abeokuta. He there had a long conference with the Egba chiefs and a treaty was signed on the 18th of January, 1893 (vide App. A).

FINAL EFFORTS TO THROW OFF THE FULANI YOKE

The Metropolis had long been left to herself whilst great and stirring events had been taking place all over the country. The outcome of the rebellion of the chiefs and the revolution was the foundation of modern Ibadan, Abeokuta, Modakeke, the occupation of Ijaye, Abemo, the destruction of the city of Owu, and the fall of many ancient towns in the plain, and above all the ascendancy of Ilorin under the ravaging foreigners.

That such important events as these should take place, one after another, altering the face of the country, and the King not be able to promote or retard the accomplishment of any—a King only in name, the direct descendant of absolute monarchs and deified heroes—could not but be a matter of pain and grief to the sovereign. Added to all this was a great calamity which befel him at home, one that distressed him sore and accelerated his death. A fire broke out in the palace and all efforts to arrest its ravages failed, and most of the accumulated treasures of his ancestors were consumed in the conflagration! Great efforts were made to remove some to out-houses away from the direction of the flames, but unfortunately by a turn of the wind, those out-houses also caught fire and everything was lost!

SPECIAL COMMISSIONERS SENT UP

The Treaty duly signed was forwarded to the Governor of Lagos by his special messengers, themselves awaiting further orders at their respective posts at Ode Ondo and Ibadan.

By this time the Governor's furlough was due, but, with the sanction of the Secretary of State for the Colonies, he had arranged everything for the accomplishment of this work, and matters were left in the hands of the Acting-Governor, F. Evans, Esq., the Colonial Secretary, to carry out. Mr. Henry Higgins, the Asst. Col. Secretary and Mr. Oliver Smith, Queen's Advocate, were appointed Special Commissioners for this business. They were to be attended by an escort of 50 Hausa soldiers, each provided with 50 rounds of ball cartridges for their Martini Henry rifles. They had also with them a 7-pounder gun, and a rocket trough with necessary ammunition.

Capt. W. Speeding, the Harbour Master, also accompanied the expedition, with instructions to make geographical observations all along the route from Ejirin on the lagoon—the point of disembarkation—through Ijebu Ode, Ibadan, to Osogbo and Kiriji, to return to Lagos if possible via Ilesa, Ode Ondo, Aiyesan, Itebu, and Atijere. He was also to make as far as possible a survey map of the route and to fix the positions of the principal towns, the number of houses and inhabitants in each village, names of chiefs, depth, width, and courses of rivers crossed, heights of hills, nature of roads, and all other useful and statistical information to be carefully obtained and recorded.

THE OPIN WAR

After the crushing defeat of the Ilorins at Osogbo and the Ibadan ascendancy, the Ilorins ventured no more into the Oyo provinces, except for the little help they endeavoured to give to the Ibadans during the Batedo war, by attempting to besiege Ogbomoso, which ended disastrously for them. They appeared now to have recovered somewhat from their military depression, at least sufficiently to essay an aggressive warfare into the Efon districts.

A man called Esu, a native of Iyé, a town between Ilemoso and Eluku who had been a slave at Ilorin was redeemed by one Laleye for 12 heads of cowries; the latter also redeemed one Oni for 25 heads of cowries, and gave her to him to wife. Esu, however, turned out to be a ne'er do weel of a roving disposition, unfit for any trade. He left Ilorin and settled first at Egbe then at Itagi and finally at Isan, leading a predatory life in those regions, kidnapping peaceful traders, sparing none, and was particularly hard on the Ilorin traders. In that way he became a person of some importance in those parts; hence the Ilorins were now resolved upon capturing him alive.

OGUNMOLA'S ADMINISTRATION

The attention of the Ibadans was now turned to home affairs, vacancies among the chiefs had to be filled up, and new titles conferred. The first to be conferred was, of course, that of the head of the town as he it is who has to arrange for the others.

It was known that if the Balogun had returned home in good health, he would have negotiated for the title of Kakanfo, as he was the conqueror of the late Kakanfo, and being a native of Ogbomoso, was said to be related to a former Kakanfo of that place. But when his fatal illness supervened it is said that hopes were fixed on the venerable Sumala the Otun Bale for the title of Bale on their return home, but Sumala was caught and killed at the retreat from Iperu. Ogunmola now found himself the undisputed head of the town. He declined the title of Bale alleging it was an effeminate title, for Bales do not go to war, and so many brave men having perished at the war, Ibadan would lose her military prestige by his retiring so early from active life. But he might have negotiated for the title of Kakanfo now vacant. That is a military title par excellence, but his vaulting ambition aimed higher than that, he usurped the title of Basorun notwithstanding that Gbenla the first Basorun of the present Oyo was still alive, and there can be but one Basorun of the kingdom.

AGANJU

As Sango left no issue, the crown fell to Ajaka's son Aganju without any dispute. His reign was long and very prosperous. He had a remarkable faculty of taming wild animals and venomous reptiles, several of which may be seen crawling about him. He had also in his house a tame leopard.

He greatly beautified the palace adding piazzas in front and back, with rows of brazen posts. He originated the custom of decorating the palace with hangings on state occasions, being a sovereign of accomplished taste.

Towards the end of his reign, he waged war with a namesake of his, Aganju the Onisambo, for refusing him the hand of his daughter Iyayun. In this war, four chiefs, viz. the Onisambo and his allies the Onitede the Onimeri and the Alagbòna were captured, their towns destroyed, and the bride forcibly secured.

The close of his reign was clouded by great domestic troubles. His only son Lubegò was discovered having illicit intercourse with his beloved Iyayun, on whose account so many princes and people have lost their lives. The stern father was enraged beyond words, the sentence pronounced on him was the extreme penalty of the law, and it was rigidly carried out. But the King was overcome with grief, he died not long after this, even before the birth of a successor to the throne. The name of his Basorun was Banija, succeeded by Erankogbina.

The Land laws of the Yoruba country are simple and effective, there being no need of any complicated or elaborate laws, as there is enough land for all the members of the various tribes. Whatever land is not effectively occupied is for the common benefit of all; no one need own any land which he cannot utilize, except farm land left fallow for a short period.

Theoretically and traditionally we have seen above that Yoruba land belongs to the Alâfin of Oyo as the supreme head of the race. “The land belongs to the King” has passed into a proverb. But it must be understood, that it is not meant that the land is the private property of the King, it is only his as representing the race, in other words, Yoruba land belongs to the Yoruba people and to no other, hence as the Yorubas are split into so many tribes, the head of each tribe, as representing the Alâfin is the King for that tribe, and he holds the land or division of the country for the benefit of the tribe, and even he has no power to alienate it permanently of his own accord, to an alien. All lands, therefore, including forests and the plain are owned by some tribe or other, and no one belonging to another race or another tribe can make use of the land without the permission of the king and chiefs who hold the land for their tribe.

The Yoruba language has been classed among the unwritten African languages. The earliest attempt to reduce this language into writing was in the early forties of the last century, when the Church Missionary Society, with the immortal Rev. Henry Venn as Secretary, organized a mission to the Yoruba country under the leadership of one of their agents, the Rev. Henry Townsend, an English Clergyman then at work at Sierra Leone, and the Rev. Samuel Ajayi Crowther, the first African Clergyman of the C.M.S., also at work in the same place.

After several fruitless efforts had been made either to invent new characters, or adapt the Arabic, which was already known to Moslem Yorubas, the Roman character was naturally adopted, not only because it is the one best acquainted with, but also because it would obviate the difficulties that must necessarily arise if missionaries were first to learn strange characters before they could undertake scholastic and evangelistic work. With this as basis, special adaptation had to be made for pronouncing some words not to be found in the English or any other European language.

The system, or rather want of system, existing among various missionary bodies in Africa and elsewhere emphasized the need of a fixed system of orthography.