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This chapter reviews the existing Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) work on diachronic syntax and morphosyntax and shows how the tools of language description developed by RRG can also be used to account for several aspects of language change. Drawing evidence from developments which have occurred in a wide range of languages, it is argued that RRG allows for a more fine-grained analysis of diachronic processes than theoretically neutral approaches, that it answers fundamental questions about the nature and causes of syntactic change, and that it is not a mere tool of linguistic description, but a theory that makes falsifiable empirical predictions.
Chapter 2 starts with the general definition of agreement mostly found in textbooks and reference works (“systematic covariance between a semantic or formal property of one element and a formal property of another” (cf. Corbett 2006: 4, Wechsler 2015: 309)). After discussing this definition, we attempt to make it more operational for typological sampling, especially for determining whether a language has agreement or not, as well as for determining the typological parameters according to which languages with agreement differ.
Chapter 7 explains in some detail the principles that guided us in the selection of languages in the 300-languages sample on which the present investigation is based.
Chapter 5 attempts to extend Siewierska’s (1999, 2004) typology of verbal agreement (in person) to adnominal agreement as well. We argue that comparing types of agreement patterns in both domains (the clause for verbal, the NP for adnominal agreement) makes cross-linguistic sense only if we limit our investigation to ambiguous agreement, and this is generally done in the rest of the book.
Chapter 10 attempts to offer a number of historical hypotheses that could explain why the geographical distribution of certain agreement patterns appears to be a priori unexpected. Since verbal agreement has been shown to be very common and evenly distributed among the world's languages, the crucial fact in need of an explanation is the distribution of languages with adnominal agreement, which is areally rather limited. We look at a number of well documented or reasonably well reconstructed cases, including Zande (an Ubangian language), Nilo-Saharan, Daly languages of North Australia, Proto-Indo-European, etc., and discuss the attested and probable paths in the development of adnominal agreement. It is argued that agreement often spreads from the clausal domain, where it is pragmatically motivated, to the domain of the NP, where it is largely redundant.
Chapter 4 deals with a number of phenomena that are sometimes not considered to instantiate agreement (case agreement and person agreement in possessive constructions), as well as with some constructions that are not universally accepted as agreement (constructions with omissible controllers and those with referential targets).