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There has been much scholarly attention for the radical right, especially in political science. Unfortunately, this research pays less attention to the discourse of the radical right, a topic especially studied by scholars in discourse studies. Especially lacking in this research in various disciplines is a theoretically based analysis of ideology. This Element first summarizes the authors theory of ideology and extends it with a new element needed to account for the ideological clusters of political parties. Then a systematic analysis is presented of the discourses and ideologies of radical right parties in Chile, Spain, the Netherlands and Sweden. From a comparative perspective it is concluded that radical right discourse and ideologies adapt to the economic, cultural, sociopolitical and historical contexts of each country.
The theoretical framework of this book is first of all defined in terms of sociocognitive discourse analysis of antiracism and antiracist discourse within the larger framework of a theory of social movements. In this case the movement is both global and historical and hence rather a macromovement. Different from other studies of social movements, this book focused on discourse and cognition and their history. Antiracism is defined as a movement of resistance and solidarity. After a summary of a theory of antiracist social cognition (mental models, knowledge, attitudes and ideologies) antiracist practices in genersal antiracist discourse are defined - as well as their historical dimensions. A detailed literature summarizes earlier theory and research on antiracism, as well as a discussion of major issues in studies of antiracism - such as whether or not antiracism today is dominant or prevalent.
Quakers, originally from The Netherlands and Germany, were the first to formulate criticism of slavery in the Caribbean and North America in the Germant0own Declaration of 1688. Only in the late 18th century Quakers also had political influence in the UK, e.g. through the discourse of Wilberforce and Thomas Clarkson, describing the horrors of the Middle Passage. At the same time in France, some Enlightenment philosophers also critical of slavery, though often ambiguously. Most explicit was the discourse of Condorcet.
The discourse against Jim Crow segregation, discrimination and racism in the 20th century also had important legal successes, such as the work of Thurgood Marshall in the famous Brown vs. Board of Education case in 1954. After the 1955 Montgomery Bus Boycott, sparked by Rosa Parks, the Civil Rights Movement in many ways resisted segregation, e.g. as led by Martin Luther King. Radical writers and speakers criticized black integration in dominant white society, as was the case in the discourses of Malcolm X and Stokeley Carmichael.
This chapter starts the history of amtiracist discourse with the antislavery texts of bisshop Nyssa in the 4th century. In Europe one of the first declaratio against "servitude" was formilated by Louis X of France. The first texts against the harsh treatments of indigenous people in the America Colonies were formulated by Bartolomé de las Casas and the New Laws of King Carlos I of Spain.
In the 19th century, also black writers joined the increasing criticism against slavery. Most prominent was former slave Frederick Douglas and his writings, describing the terrible abuses of the slaver masters. After the abolition of slavery in the USA in 1985, racist discrimination of African Americans did not stop. After Reconstruction, Jim Crow segregation, lynchings and many forms of discrimination were prevalent, especially in the South. Important black writers were W.E.B. Dubois, and his contributions to the NAACP, also during international travels. Black sociologist Ida Wells was influential in her critical accounts of lynchings, as was feminist Anna Julia Hayward Cooper.
In the 19th century in Germany increasing nationalist discourse by protestant professors engaged in radical antisemitic discourse, sources of Nazi discourse a century later. After earlier resistance against antisemitic practices in earlier centuries, some Jewish intellectuals critically and ironically examined these discourses and their conceptions of racial hierarchies.for instance Saul Ascher, Moritz Lazarus, in Germany, and Bernard Lazare in France. In the early 20th century other Jewish scholars critized antisemitism, for instance Nathan Birnbaum, Constantin Brunner, Julius Goldstein, and under Nazism also Victor Klemperer, Lio Feuchtwanger, Fritz Bernsein, and the philosophers of the Frankfurt School and other refugees.
Before the war, Franz Boas critized the notion of racial superiority. After the War, Unesco issued statements on race. The influence of Unesco in the USA diminished during the Cold War. In Europe after the war, many European and national organizations against racism were founded, such as the CRE in the UK, or MRAP in France. In the USA cotinuing police violence and other froms of systemic racism, exacerbated by Trump, was challenged by Black Lives Matter and its growing national and international sucess.
The many forms of European racism as a system of power abuse against non-European peoples, since Antiquity until today, have always been resisted by many social practices, including discourse, and especially by the targets of such domination. This book for the first time presents a general theory and history of such discursive resistance.
The first challenge of this book has been the development of a more or less explicit theory. In many disciplines, there are now a myriad of theoretical, descriptive and historical studies of the many forms and aspects of racism, such as racist prejudice and discrimination, xenophobia, antisemitism, Islamophobia and colonialism.
This introductory chapter formulates the general aims of the book, namely to provide a new theory of antiracism and antiracist discourse, as well as a history of antiracist discourse from Antiquity to Black Lives Matter. The book is intended as a contribution to Critical Discourse Studies but within a multisciplinary
Antiracism is a global and historical social movement of resistance and solidarity, yet there have been relatively few books focusing on it as a subject in its own right. After his earlier books on racist discourse, Teun A. van Dijk provides a theory of antiracism along with a history of discourse against slavery, racism and antisemitism. He first develops a multidisciplinary theory of antiracism, highlighting especially the role of discourse and cognition as forms of resistance and solidarity. He then covers the history of antiracist discourse, including antislavery and abolition discourse between the 16th and 19th century, antiracist discourse by white and black authors until the Civil Rights Movement and Black Lives Matter, and Jewish critical analysis of antisemitic ideas and discourse since the early 19th century. It is essential reading for anyone interested in how racism and antisemitism have been critically analysed and resisted in antislavery and antiracist discourse.
This chapter reproduces a continuous series of fairly long email messages initiated by discourse analyst and cognitive scientist Teun van Dijk, who wrote to me on November 1, 2004 to ask me “a theoretical question,” as he put it, about my position on the role of intentions in discourse. A number of factors, including electronic mail as a medium for unedited and informal exchanges as well as the long-term professional relationship between the two of us (over several decades van Dijk has involved me in a number of his editorial projects), made possible what I hope readers will appreciate as a frank exchange of ideas and positions that is rarely found in the more polished and peer-reviewed journal articles or chapters of edited volumes. I have also included toward the end of this chapter a message by my colleague Jason Throop, whom I invited to join the discussion. His response to the exchanges I had forwarded to him captures his own original ways of thinking about intentions and anticipates some of the themes found in the following chapters, themes that since 2010 have been incorporated into our jointly taught seminar on the culture of intersubjectivity at UCLA.
In reproducing this exchange of emails as a chapter of this book, I have resisted the urge to provide here a summary of the entire discussion for the simple reason that almost each message contains some attempt to clarify both the points of agreement and those of disagreement. I believe that any additional, post hoc summary of mine could not do justice to the friendly tension of the arguments whose main value is both the genuineness of the claims contained in it. Hence, with minimal cuts (of greetings at the beginning and the end of each message) and a few added references, here is what we wrote to each other over a few days, in the fall of 2004.
Most of our knowledge is acquired by discourse, and our ability to produce and understand discourse is impossible without the activation of massive amounts of knowledge of the world. Both 'discourse' and 'knowledge' are fundamental concepts of the humanities and social sciences, but they are often treated separately. Based on a theory of natural knowledge, the book deals with the cognitive processes, social distribution, cultural differences and the linguistic and discursive 'management' of knowledge in interaction and communication in epistemic communities. The first book to adopt a multidisciplinary approach to studying the relationship between the two concepts, Discourse and Knowledge introduces the new field of epistemic discourse analysis. Using a wide range of examples to illustrate the theory, it is essential reading for both students and academics interested in epistemology, linguistics, discourse analysis, cognitive and social psychology and the social sciences.