After years of paralysis, the 1990s saw an explosion in the number of United Nations field operations around the world. In terms of scope and level of ambition, these interventions went beyond the tried and tested principles of classical UN peacekeeping. Indeed, in some cases - such as Cambodia, Kosovo and East Timor - the UN presence assumed the form of quasi-protectorates designed to steer war-torn and deeply divided societies towards lasting peace. This book examines the UN's performance and assesses the wider impact of 'new interventionism' on international order and the study of international relations. Featuring eight case studies of major UN interventions and an introductory chapter outlining the most important theoretical and political features of the international system which have led to the increased interventionary practices of the UN, this book will appeal to students and researchers in international relations and international organizations.

Edward Keene argues that the conventional idea of an 'anarchical society' of equal and independent sovereign states is an inadequate description of order in modern world politics. International political and legal order has always been dedicated to two distinct goals: to try to promote the toleration of different ways of life, while advocating the adoption of one specific way, that it labels 'civilization'. The nineteenth-century solution to this contradiction was to restrict the promotion of civilization to the world beyond Europe. That discriminatory way of thinking has now broken down, with the result that a single, global order is supposed to apply to everyone, but opinion is still very much divided as to what the ultimate purpose of this global order should be, and how its political and legal structure should be organised.

The promotion of human rights, the punishment of crimes against humanity, the use of force with respect to humanitarian intervention: these are some of the complex issues facing governments in recent years. The contributors to this book offer a theoretical and empirical approach to these issues. Three leading normative theorists first explore what an 'ethical foreign policy' means. Four contributors then look at potential or actual instruments of ethical foreign policy-making: the export of democracy, non-governmental organisations, the International Criminal Court, and bottom-up public pressure on governments. Finally, three case studies examine more closely developments in the foreign policies of the US, the UK, and the European Union, to assess the difficulties raised by the incorporation of ethical considerations into foreign policy.

At the end of the Cold War the hope was that it would be possible to reform international society and create a new world order. Its central feature would be international intervention, not merely to deter or repel aggression across frontiers, but to protect the victims of civil conflicts within states. These hopes remain largely unfulfilled. This book contributes to our understanding of this failure by examining the three major post-Cold War operations in which the UN has been involved. Each presented the international community with a different challenge: in Cambodia it was to implement a previously negotiated political agreement; in former Yugoslavia to devise a credible division of labour and authority between the UN and the European Union; and in Somalia to mount a humanitarian mission in a country without a government. Each chapter is accompanied by a chronology of events and a selection of relevant UN documents.

This is a comprehensive analysis of J. A. Hobson's writings on international relations. Hobson is most famous for developing the neo-Marxist theory of imperialism, but in this book David Long argues that Hobson was also a key figure in the history of liberalism. He shifted liberal international theory away from its laissez-faire origins towards a focus on international organization, making him a forerunner of the functional approach in international relations. The book outlines the philosophical outlook and political economy which informed Hobson's theory, and challenges the narrow interpretation of imperialism which has dominated international relations. Setting out the sources of and contradictions within Hobson's proposals for international government, this book is a contribution not only to the study of international relations, but also to the history of political thought and British liberalism.

This book is a comprehensive account of the Ethiopian revolution, dealing with the entire span of the revolutionary government's life. Particular emphasis is placed on effectively isolating and articulating the causes and outcomes of the revolution. The author traces the revolution's roots in the weaknesses of the autocratic regime of Haile Selassie, examines the formative years of the revolution in the mid-seventies, when the ideology of scientific socialism was espoused by the ruling military council, and finally charts the consolidation of Mengistu Haile Miriam's power from 1977 to the adoption of a new constitution in 1987. In examining these events, Dr Tiruneh makes extensive use of primary sources written in the national official language. He was also the first Ethiopian nation to write a book on this subject. This book is thus a unique account of a fascinating period, capturing the mood of the revolution as never before, yet firmly grounded in scholarship.

Although Parliament is the principal source of authority in the British political system, it is the Cabinet which stands at the pinnacle of government. Yet what actually happens at Cabinet meetings? How are decisions made, particularly in the arena of foreign policy? Such questions have hitherto been largely overlooked by both historians and political scientists. In this book, Dr Christopher Hill presents a detailed case-study of the British government and foreign policy, during the dramatic period from the Munich Conference of 1938 to the German invasion of the Soviet Union three years later. Using extensive archival material, he examines how far the strong personalities of Neville Chamberlain and Winston Churchill respectively were really able to dominate their Cabinets in an area of policy where Prime Ministers have traditionally been supposed to exercise considerable freedom. This analysis concentrates on six decisions that were of key importance in committing Britain to the war which began in September 1939 but which changed so sharply in character in June 1940 with the fall of France. An original study of foreign policymaking at the highest level, this book will be widely read by international relations specialists while historians will welcome the close-textured account of key episodes of this period. It will also reinvigorate debates among political scientists on the nature of Cabinet government.

Israel's political allegiance to the West is unquestioned. In the early years after 1948, however, the direction of Israel's foreign policy remained uncertain. In this important book Dr Bialer describes the internal debates within the Israeli political parties, and particularly the highly ideological labour movement, on the choices between pro-Soviet, pro-Western or non-aligned foreign policies. Making use of declassified documents, the author has carried out extensive research in the State Archives and other archives, and his account is based overwhelmingly on primary sources. This book examines the ideological components of these debates as well as the more material motivation factors, such as dependence on US aid, trade links with the Soviet bloc, the reliance on Czech arms supplies and the degree of freedom allowed to the Soviet and East European Jewish communities to emigrate to Israel. Dr Bialer concludes that there was no alternative strategy for Israel to adopt; the tilt towards the West was inevitable. This book provides valuable material for comparative research on the foreign policies and security relationships of small states in the international system immediately after the Second World War.

This book examines the relationship between foreign companies and government within the Indonesian oil industry. It is concerned in particular to identify those factors which determine the balance between central regulation and untrammelled company activity, in order to evaluate the choices which the government has to make in the creation of its policies. Given the extent of foreign investment in the mineral extractive industries of many of the less-developed countries, such policies are of major importance. From his study of the operation of Indonesian oil contracts, Dr Khong concludes that the formal terms of an agreement may well give a misleading impression of the actual allocation of the benefits from petroleum extraction. The common perception that a basic shift in favour of host governments has occurred is shown to be largely misplaced, whatever relative advances they may have achieved.

The book analyses the strategic rationale of the American security commitment to South Korea in the light of the palpable failure of containment strategy in Indo-China. During the 1970s the dilemma confronting successive American administrations was that, whilst wishing to maintain their old commitment to South Korea, they had no desire to preside over another Vietnam. Military commitment and political support were necessarily disengaged, and the Nixon doctrine served as both the end and the means of containment strategy in Asia. The study identifies the principal conditions that have influenced changing American perspectives on South Korea, and examines some of the general problems of collective security in the region. Unique in the direct engagement of China, the Soviet Union and the United States, the security position of South Korea bears directly upon the achievement of peace and stability throughout East Asia.

It has long been argued that Baldwin's second government, especially the Foreign Office led by Austen Chamberlain, was to blame for the deterioration in Anglo-American relations in 1927–9. This book argues that Austen Chamberlain, by suggesting a reduction in maritime belligerent rights, consistently worked for an improvement in relations and found the means for a settlement in 1929, though Labour's success in the general election caused the credit to go to others and Chamberlain's reputation remained tarnished. While the earlier view was based mainly on the memoirs of contemporary critics, Dr McKercher bases his analysis on a wide range of public and private archival material.

This book was first published in 1983: for fourteen years since Malaya's independence in 1957, the external defence of the Malayan (later Malaysian) - Singapore region was provided for within the legal framework of the Anglo-Malaysian Defence Agreement. The external powers involved were Britain, Australia and New Zealand. Kin Wah Chin provides a study of the defence of the region from the perspective of evolving intra-alliance relations within a unique defence system which embraced an anchor power, two associates and two recipients of alliance security.

Between the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968 and the singing of the Helinski accords in August 1975, major changes occurred in the condition of the East-West conflict and more generally in the structure of great-power relations which had been built up since the end of the Second World War. This collection of documents, which includes the main speeches, treaties and agreements concluded between these two events, has been designed to illustrate the nature of these changes. The volume if prefaced by an analytical essay by the editors, and is subsequently divided into six sections. The first four deal respectively with the final ending of the cold war through the resolution of the problem of the two Germanies; the ending of the Vietnam War and the formal entry of the People's Republic of China into the international system; the diplomacy of detente between the super-powers and in Europe; and changes within the Western Alliance involving both NATO and the EEC, and in the Warsaw Pact.

Within the growing literature on China's international behaviour, China's Middle Eastern policy has been somewhat neglected and misinterpreted. It has been assumed that the Middle East played a rather marginal role in Chinese strategic calculations; yet at times the Chinese have been portrayed as a disruptive and subversive force in this area. This volume attempts to correct both views by providing a comprehensive analysis of China's Middle Eastern policy. It argues that the Chinese were indeed unable or unwilling to become involved in the Middle East, let alone to threaten it. However, in their view, this area has always been strategically important as a key battleground for the struggle between the superpowers, the outcome of which could have serious implications for the security of China as well as for the rest of the world.

Much has been written about Soviet literature and its political significance in the years following the October Revolution, but little has been written about the cinema in the same context. And yet in 1922 Lenin said, 'Of all the arts, for us the cinema is the most important.' What did he mean? This book looks at the Soviet cinema in its formative period from the political point of view, examining both the attitude of the authorities towards the cinema and the actual use to which the cinema was put. It demonstrates how, even at the height of the 'Golden Era of the Soviet film', the Bolsheviks repeatedly failed to organise the cinema successfully as an effective propaganda weapon. The book provides an illuminating background of the political history of the Soviet cinema in the twenties against which its most famous films can be re-examined.

A comprehensive and systematic account of the ways in which Marx and Engels and their immediate followers made use of the conception of ideology.

In 1914 the British government was not interested in national self-determination in eastern Europe, but by November 1918 it was deeply involved with various eastern European subject nationalities and was committed by implication to their independence. This book attempts to explain this evolution in British policy in the case of the Poles, Czechoslovaks and Yugoslavs, the three most important subject nationalities in eastern Europe. The book is based primarily on the official records of the British government, which have been supplemented with material from private collections. Dr Calder argues that British policy on national self-determination developed not as a result of theoretical speculations but of the wartime relations between the government and the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav national organizations. This book traces the evolution in British relations with the Polish, Czechoslovak and Yugoslav nationality organizations from August 1914 to November 1918. It shows how the initial contacts were established and how relations developed gradually as the government sought to use these organisations in propaganda, espionage and the formation of military units. It attempts to assess the effects of this co-operation on the attitudes of British officials and the policy of the government.