1. This essay concentrates on one aspect of the draft paper that was presented at the symposium. The oral presentation in October focused on problems of a transatlantic imaginary which are discussed in “Deutsche—Europäer—Weltbürger: Eine Überlegung zum Aufstieg und Fall des Modernismus in der Historiographie.” Deutschland und Europa in der Neuzcit: Festschrift für K. O. Freiherr von Aretin, ed. Melville, R. et al. (Stuttgart, 1988), 27–47Google Scholar, and in “Looking Back at the International Style: Some Reflections on the Current State of German History,” German Studies Review 13 (1990): 111–27Google Scholar. An essay on a second theme, the recovery of alternative German pasts in a culture of sentiments, is yet to be completed. It encompasses a discussion of various efforts in the arts, humanities, history, and popular culture to recover a lost “German” language of sentiments and identity.

2. Hoffmann, Stanley, “Fragments Floating in the Here and Now,” Daedalus (Winter 1970): 1–26Google Scholar. Obviously the growth of “transnational empires”—as the European Community, but also as private transnational conglomerations—is equally evident. See Strange, Susan, “Toward a Theory of Transnational Empire,” in Global Changes and Theoretical Challenges: Approaches to World Politics for the 1990s, ed. Czempiel, E.-O. and Rosenau, N. (Lexington Mass., 1989).Google Scholar

3. Baechler, Jean, Hall, John, and Mann, Michael, eds., Europe and the Rise of Capitalism (Oxford and New York, 1988)Google Scholar reflect the discrepancy very clearly.

4. In this context, some of the turn-of-the-century themes like the tension between a military and economic organization of Europe are recovered. See Tilly, Charles, Coercion, Capital, and European States, AD 990–1990 (Oxford, 1990)Google Scholar, and Mann, Michael, States, War, and Capitalism: Studies in Political Sociology (Oxford, 1988).Google Scholar

5. This is the main theme of North, Douglass C. and Thomas, Robert P., The Rise of the Western World: A New Economic History (Cambridge and New York, 1973).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6. Maier, Charles S., “Marking Time: The Historiography of International Relations,” The Past before Us: Contemporary Historical Writing in the United States, ed. Kammen, Michael (Ithaca, N.Y., 1980), 355–87Google Scholar, is a hopeful assessment of the achievements during the 1970s.

7. Said, Edward, Orientalism (New York, 1978)Google Scholar, focusing on England and France, was the crystalizing book in an otherwise elaborate debate which has not yet found its German equivalent. See also the recent interlocution of Said, Edward, “Representing the Colonized: Anthropology's Interlocutors,” Critical Inquiry 15 (1988/1989): 205–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar, by a number of critics: “An Exchange on Edward Said and Difference,” ibid., 611–46.

8. Giddens, Anthony, The Consequences of Modernity (Stanford, 1990), 55–78Google Scholar; Herzog, Reinhart and Koselleck, Reinhart, eds., Epochenschwelk und Epochenbewusstsein (Munich, 1987)Google Scholar, as well as Koselleck's Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time, trans. Tribe, K. (Cambridge, Mass., 1985).Google Scholar

9. Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, Modernisierungstheorie und Geschichte (Göttingen, 1975),Google Scholar with a useful theory-oriented summary. The whole concept is put into practice in Immanuel Wallerstein's three volumes on the world system. As critique and alternative see Bright, Charles and Geyer, Michael, “For a Unified History of the World in the Twentieth Century,” Radical History Review 39 (1987): 69–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10. Foucault, Michel, The Archaeology of Knowledge, trans. Smith, A. M. Sheridan (New York, 1972)Google Scholar, and after his linguistic turn Language, Counter-Memory, Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews, ed. Bouchard, D. F. (Ithaca, N.Y., 1977).Google Scholar

11. Observe the contrasting treatments by Lacan, Jacques, The Four Fundamental Concepts of Psychoanalysis, ed. Miller, Jacques-Allain, trans. Sheridan, A. (New York, 1973), 17–64Google Scholar; Foucault, Michel, Technologies of the Self: A Seminar with Michel Foucault, ed. Gutman, L. W. et al. (Amherst, Mass., 1988)Google Scholar; Deleuze, Gilles and Guattari, Felix, Anti-Oedipus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, trans. Hurley, R. et al. (Minneapolis, 1983).Google Scholar

12. Foucault, Michel, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings, 1972–1977, trans. Gordon, C. et al. (New York, 1980).Google Scholar

13. Especially Jameson, Frederic, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca, N.Y., 1981)Google Scholar, or for Germany Berman, Russell A., “Imperial Encounters: The Instrumentalization of Culture and Transnational Practice,” Modern Culture and Critical Theory: Art, Politics, and the Legacy of the Frankfurt School (Madison, Wis., 1989), 155–74Google Scholar

14. Scott, Joan W., Gender and the Politics of History (New York, 1988)Google Scholar, or “Feminism and the Critique of Colonial Discourse,” Inscriptions 3/4 (1988).Google Scholar

15. Clifford, James, The Predicament of Culture: Twentieth-Century Ethnography, Literature, and Art (Cambridge, Mass, and London, 1988)Google Scholar and his useful summary of recent developments in anthropology in “Of Other Peoples: Beyond the ‘Salvage Paradigm,’” Discussions in Contemporary Culture, ed. Foster, Hal (Seattle, Wash., 1987), 121–30Google Scholar. Fabian, James, Time and the Other: How Anthropology Makes Its Object (New York, 1983).Google Scholar

16. In lieu of a spate of articles, one of the first and most trenchant journalistic reflections suffices: Harpprecht, Klaus, “‘Der Freund wird zum Fremden’: Antiamerikanismus, KulturhochmutundKulturpessimismus—eine deutsche Diagnose,” Die Zeit, no. 51 (21 12 1984), 19Google Scholar. The basic German text is Bender, Peter, Das Ende des ideologischen Zcitalters: Die Europäisierung Europas (Berlin, 1987).Google Scholar

17. Collected in Schöpflin, George and Wood, Nancy, eds., In Search of Central Europe (Oxford, 1989)Google Scholar, and Burmeister, H.-P, Boldt, F., and Meszaros, G., eds., Mitteleuropa: Traum oder Trauma (Bremen, 1989)Google Scholar; Papcke, Sven and Weidenfeld, Werner, eds. Traumland Mitteleuropa: Beiträge zu einer aktuellen Kontroverse (Darmstadt, 1988)Google Scholar. The classic text is Kundera, Milan, “The Tragedy of Central Europe,” New York Review of Books, 28 04 1984, 33–38Google Scholar, which was originally titled “A Kidnapped West, or a Culture Bows Out.”

18. Among others Vierhaus, R., “Grundlagen europäischer Zivilisation: Zum Problem der Darstellung europäischer Geschichte,” Geschichte Europas für den Unterricht der Europäer, ed. Jeismann, K.-E. and Riemenschneider, R. (Braunschweig, 1980), 11–22Google Scholar. Michel, Wolfgang W., “Der Begriff der europäischen Dimension im Unterricht,” Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte: Beilage zur Wochenschrift Das Parlament, B 41 (13 10 1984): 25–37Google Scholar. For Europeanness as ideology see Weidenfeld, Werner, Die Bilanz der europaischen Integration (Bonn, 1984).Google Scholar

19. Schulze, Hagen, Wir sind was wir geworden sind: Vom Nutzen der Geschichte für die Gegenwart (Munich, 1987).Google Scholar

20. Stürmer, Michael, Dissonanzen des Fortschritts: Essays über Geschichte und Politik in Deutschland (Munich, 1986), 314.Google Scholar

21. Ibid., 315: “dass die Ruhelage des Kontinents und die Freiheit der Deutschen nicht gegeneinander stehen.” In a way, Krieger, Leonard, The German Idea of Freedom: History of a Political Tradition (Boston, 1957)Google Scholar, proves to be right after all, only that the German sovereign is now democratized and the problem is moved onto a European level.

22. Iggers, Georg G., The German Conception of History: The National Tradition of Historical Thought from Herder to the Present (Middletown, Conn., 1968)Google Scholar; Mommsen, Wolfgang J., “Ranke and the Neo-Rankean School of Imperial Germany: State-Oriented Historiography as a Stabilizing Force,” Leopold von Ranke and the Shaping of the Historical Discipline, ed. Iggers, Georg and Powell, James M. (Syracuse, N.Y., 1990), 124–90Google Scholar, points to the tension between (national liberal) genealogists like Treitschke and (modernist) contextualists like Lenz.

23. The “primacy of foreign policy” has found its strong defenders in Hillgruber, Andreas, “Politische Geschichte in moderner Sicht,” Historische Zeitschrift 216 (1973): 529–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar and in Klaus Hildebrand, “Geschichte oder ‘Gesellschaftgeschichte’? Die Notwendigkeit einer politischen Geschichtschreibung von den internationalen Beziehungen,” ibid. 223 (1976): 328–57.

24. Dehio, Ludwig, The Precarious Balance: Four Centuries of the European Power Struggle, trans. Fuhrmann, C. (New York, 1962)Google Scholar and his influential Germany and World Politics in the Twentieth Century, trans Pevsner, D. (New York, 1963)Google Scholar. The combination of a systemic and national focus is evident in Hillgruber, Andreas, Bismarcks Aussenpolitik (Freiburg i. Br., 1972)Google Scholar, as is the symptomatic shift from the former to the latter in his Die gescheiterte Grossmacht: Eine Skizze des Deutschen Reiches, 1871–1945 (Düsseldorf, 1980).Google Scholar

25. In contradistinction, American international relations theory never analyzed the historical foundations of a “balance-of-power” notion. See the thoughtful essays by Schroeder, Paul W., “The Nineteenth-Century International System: Change in the Structure,” World Politics 39 (1986): 1–26CrossRefGoogle Scholar and his “The Nineteenth-Century System: Balance of Power or Political Equilibrium,” Review of International Studies 15 (1989): 135–53.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

26. Most clearly and persistently by Wehler, Hans-Ulrich, “Moderne Politikgeschichte oder ‘Grosse Politik der Kabinette’?” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 1 (1975): 344–69.Google Scholar

27. Gesellschaftsgeschichte retains the old liberal inversion of Wilhelmine politics, going back to Kehr, Eckart, Primal der Innenpolitik: Gesammelte Aufsätze zur pretissisch-deutschen Sozialgeschichte im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Wehler, Hans-Ulrich (Berlin, 1965)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rosenberg, Arthur, The Birth of the German Republic, 1871–1918, trans. Morrow, I.F.D. (Boston, 1966)Google Scholar; and idem, A History of the German Republic, trans. L. M. Sieveking (London, 1936). The decisive mediator for German and American historiography was Hans Rosenberg. See Ritter, Gerhard A., “Hans Rosenberg: 1904–1988,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft 15 (1989): 282–302Google Scholar. The tradition is also discussed by Berghahn, Volker, “Deutschlandbilder 1945–1965: Angloamerikanische Historiker und moderne deutsche Geschichte,” Deutsche Geschichtswissenschaft nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg (1945–1963), ed. Schulin, Ernst (Munich, 1989)Google Scholar. On the Sonderweg, see the short summary by Kocka, Jürgen, “Brennpunkte und Ergebnisse der Diskussion,” Arbeiter und Bürger im 19. Jahrhundert: Varianlen ihres Verhältnisses im europaischen Vergleich, ed. idem (Munich, 1986)Google Scholar, and Eley, Geoff, From Unification to Nazism: Reinterpreting the German Past (Boston, 1986).Google Scholar

28. For a definition of the “imaginary” see Castoriadis, Cornelius, “The Imaginary: Creation in the Social-Historical Domain,” Disorder and Order: Proceedings of the Stanford International Symposium, ed. Livingston, Paisley (Saratoga, N.Y., 1984): 150–52.Google Scholar

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30. Note the perfect inversion of images created by English and German professors in 1914. Wallace, Stuart, War and the Image of Germany: British Academics, 1914–1918 (Edinburgh, 1988)Google Scholar; Schwabe, Klaus, Zwischen Wissenschaft und Kriegsmoral: Die deutschen Hochschullehrer und die politischen Grundfragen des Ersten Weltkrieges (Göttingen, 1969).Google Scholar

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32. Kocka, Jürgen, “Probleme einer europäischen Geschichte in komparativer Absicht,” in idem, Geschichte und Aufklärung (Göttingen, 1989), 21–28Google Scholar, as well as Kocka, Jürgen, ed., Bürgertum im 19. Jahrhundert: Deutschland im europäischen Vergleich (Munich, 1988)Google Scholar; Kaelble, Hartmut, Auf dem Weg zu einer europäischen Gesellschaft: Eine Sozialgeschichte Westeuropas, 1880–1980 (Munich, 1987).Google Scholar

33. It will be very interesting to see if a German-Soviet history of the war is going to be possible. The problem with the otherwise superb Boog, Horst et al. , Der Angriff auf die Sowjetunion (Stuttgart, 1983)Google Scholar is its limitation to the German side. But especially for confrontations the violent interaction on both sides needs to be studied. This said, it is evident that this endeavor is not only extremely difficult, but it would constitute a genuine breakthrough in heterogeneous history.

34. Holtfrerich, Carl-Ludwig, The German Inflation, 1914–1933: Causes and Effects in International Perspective, trans. Balderson, T. (Berlin and New York, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and idem, ed., Interactions in the World Economy: Perspectives from International Economic History (New York, 1989).Google Scholar

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36. A good example for this kind of omission in an otherwise most useful synthesis is Hobsbawm, Enc, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge and New York, 1990)Google Scholar, who falls back on a thinly veiled notion of Zeitgeist in order to understand the many local coincidences of “nationalism.” That nationalists could learn a vocabulary from each other is not even explored in the portrayal of the nationalist “international” of intellectuals. See in this context Szporluk, Roman, Communism and Nationalism: Karl Marx versus Friedrich List (New York and Oxford, 1988)Google Scholar, and the efforts in comparative literature summarized in Dyserinck, Hugo and Syndram, K., Europa und das nationale Selbstverständnis: Imagologische Probleme in Literatur, Kunst und Kultur des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts (Bonn, 1988).Google Scholar

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42. Typical is Todd, Emmanuel, L'invention de l'Europe (Paris, 1990).Google Scholar

43. Caillois, Roger, Images, Images: Essais sur le role et les pouvoirs de l'imagination (Paris, 1966)Google Scholar. On the notion of a “regime of signs” see also Deleuze, Gilles and Guattari, Felix, Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia, trans. Masumi, B. (Minneapolis, 1987)Google Scholar, although the reference to Europe is completely absent.

44. McNeill, William, Mythistory and Other Essays (Chicago, 1986)Google Scholar; Allardyce, Gerald, “The Rise and Fall of Western Civilization Courses,” American Historical Review 87 (1982): 695–725.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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47. Hroch, Miroslav, Social Preconditions of National Revival in Europe (Cambridge, 1985).Google Scholar

48. For the potential significance of such histories see the study by Deleuze, Gilles and Guattari, Felix, Kafka: Toward a Minor Literature, trans. Polan, D. (Minneapolis, 1986).Google Scholar

49. It is not worth pointing to the long list of titles that link the present nation to some (prehistoric) origin, or an illustrious thousand-year and more history, or the racialist histories of ethnic–linguistic origins, or some kind of confectionary mélange of cultural treasures. One might want to note the newest trend of recovering nineteenth-century images of that past in lieu of reinventing the past anew.

50. See among others the early examples of Leerssen, Joseph T., Mere Irish & F'ior-Ghael: Studies in the Idea of Irish Nationality (Amsterdam and Philadelphia, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, or Colley, Linda, “Whose Nation? Class and National Consciousness in Britain, 1750–1830,” Past and Present 113 (1986): 96–117CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On Austria-Germany see John Boyer's contribution to this volume.

51. A most formidable reversal of this trend is Shanin, Theodor, The Roots of Otherness: Russia's Turn of the Century, 2 vols. (New Haven and London, 1986)Google Scholar, and his Russia as “Developing Nation” (Basingstoke, 1985).Google Scholar

52. Thus, historians of World War II have long noted and virtually unanimously insisted on the imbalances of interpretation which result in a marginalization of the Soviet Union. This has not kept any of the recent TV documentaries from replaying the North-African and Italian campaign as well as the Normandy landing as the central events of the war. The agreement about the misinterpretation has, in fact, not left any recognizable traces in scholarship. See the typical imbalance reproduced in Keegan, John, The Second World War (Harmondsworth, 1989).Google Scholar

53. An overview is provided by Jelavich, Charles, ed., Language and Area Studies: East Central and Southeastern Europe: A Survey (Chicago and London, 1969).Google Scholar

54. Discussed in historical detail, but without contemporary reference in Szücs, Jenö, Nation und Geschichte: Studien (Budapest, 1981).Google Scholar

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56. See among others Broszat, Martin, Zweihundert Jahre deutsche Polenpolitik (Frankfurt, 1986)Google Scholar; Polen und die polnische Frage in der Geschichte der Hohenzollemmonarchie, 1701–1871:. Referate einer deutsch-polnischen Historikertagun…, ed. Zernack, Klaus (Berlin, 1982)Google Scholar; Hagen, William, Germans, Poles, and Jews: The Nationality Conflict in the Prussian East, 1773–1914 (Chicago, 1980)Google Scholar; Dworecki, Zbigniew, Problem niemiecki w świadomości naradowo-politycznej spoleczeństwa polskiego wojewödztw zachodnich Rzeczpospolitej (Poznań, 1981)Google Scholar; Tomaszewski, Jerzy, Rzeczpospolita wiclu narodów (Warsaw, 1985).Google Scholar

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58. The problem of central European history is never simply the homogenization of peoples within boundaries and their struggle for representation. It is a struggle over establishing boundaries and forming governments. See as examples Blanke, Richard, Prussian Poland in the German Empire (1871–1900) (New York, 1981)Google Scholar, and Trzeciakowski, Lech, The Kulturkampf in Prussian Poland, trans. Kretkowska, K. (New York, 1990)Google Scholar. It is obvious that this view entails a certain Austrianization of German history; for as far as German history is concerned the emphasis on federalism and regionalism retains a distinct kleindeutsch flavor: Sheehan, James J., “What is German History? Reflections on the Role of the Nation in German History and Historiography,” journal of Modern History 53 (1981): 1–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Such federalism entailed the violent subordination of regional revolutionary movements (1848/49) and of states (1866), but why separate these events from the confrontations between Germans and Poles or Austrians and Czechs (both in their protonational and national phases)?

59. See the suggestive beginnings in Borsody, Stephen, ed., The Hungarians: A Divided Nation (New Haven, 1988).Google Scholar

60. That the process of ethnic inscription reoccurs, every observer of Berlin street life—not to mention some of the uglier scenes during the last few months—will testify. Incidents are amply documented in the German weeklies like Die Zeit or Der Spiegel.

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69. There has been a persistent trickle of studies on this topic which has quite suddenly grown out of proportion. On the modernist tradition, going back to Simmel, see particularly Duala-M'bedy, Munasu, Xenologie: Die Wissenschaft vom Fremden und die Verdrängung der Humanität in der Anthropohgie (Freiburg and Munich, 1979)Google Scholar. See as examples for this literature Weisshaupt, Winfried, Europa sieht sich mit fremdem Blick (Frankfurt and Bern, 1979)Google Scholar and Laudemann, Michael, “Das Fremde und die Entfremdung,” Entfremdung, ed. Schrey, H.-H (Darmstadt, 1975).Google Scholar

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82. This linkage is relatively well explored in German historiography. See Chickering, Roger, We Men Who Feel Most German: A Cultural Study of the Pan-German League, 1886–1914 (Boston, 1984)Google Scholar, or Mosse, George, Nationalism and Sexuality: Respectability and Abnormal Sexuality in Modem Europe (New York, 1985).Google Scholar

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