¹ Goldziher, Ignaz, Tagebuch, edited by Scheiber, Alexander (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1978)Google Scholar.

² Watt, W. Montgomery, “The prisoner of Budapest” (his review of Scheiber's edition of the Tagebuch), Times Literary Supplement, 8 09 1978, p. 998Google Scholar.

³ Ibid.

⁴ Alder, Lory and Dalby, Richard, The Dervish of Windsor Castle: the Life of Arminius Vambery (London: Bachman and Turner, 1979), pp. 245, 494Google Scholar.

⁵ Patai, Raphael, Ignaz Goldziher and His Oriental Diary: a Translation and Psychological Portrait (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1987Google Scholar). For an account of this document, with corrections and additions to Patai's text, see my “The Near East study tour diary of Ignaz Goldziher”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland, 1990/1, pp. 105–26Google Scholar.

⁶ For another account by Goldziher of his “Muhammedan Year”, see Tagebuch, pp. 55–74. While abroad, he sent reports and articles back to Budapest for publication in the popular press. These included a number of contributions to the “Feuilleton” column of the Pester Lloyd: “Quarantine”, no. 234 (3 December 1973); “Der Buchhändler in Damaskus”, no. 111 (1874); “Journalistik im Orient”, nos. 173–5 (30 July-2 August 1874); “Das Mahmal”, no. 196 (23 August 1874); “Töchtererziehung im Orient”, no. 372. He also gave an account of his visit to Baalbek in his “Kirándulás Heliopolis felé”, Pesti Napló, nos. 281–3 (5–7 December 1873), written by Goldziher in Damascus on 14 November, and published a report on the situation in Egypt in “Egyiptom új korszaka”, Athenaeum (Budapest), 2.6 (30 April 1874), pp. 1089–98, 1153–60, 1217–22. Letters sent by him from the Arab East also appeared in a number of venues: “Aus zwei Briefen Dr. Goldzihers an Prof. Fleischer”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 27 (1873), pp. 155–6Google Scholar; “Aus einem Briefe des Dr. I. Goldziher von Cairo 7. Februar”, Berliner's Magazin für jüdische Geschichte und Literatur, 1 (1874), p. 28Google Scholar; and “Aus einem Briefe Dr. Goldzihers an Prof. Fleischer”, “Aus einem Briefe des H. Dr. Goldziher an den Herausgeber”, and “Unter der bulaker Presse befindliche arabische Werke. Aus einem Briefe des Hasanein Efendi”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländlischen Gesellschaft, 28 (1874), pp. 161–8, 493, 679–80Google Scholar. His Jelentés a M. T. Akadémia Könyvtára számára keletröl hozott könyvekröl tekintettel a nyomdaviszonyokra keleten (Budapest: Hoffmannés Molnár, 1874Google Scholar) was his report to the Hungarian Academy of Sciences on his acquisitions. His experiences at al-Azhar, on which the Oriental Diary has very little to say, are discussed in his ”Universitäts-Moschee el-Azhar”, in Ebers, Georg, Aegypten in Bild und Wort (Stuttgart and Leipzig: Eduard Hallberger, 1879–1880), ii, pp. 71–88Google Scholar, and in his Az Iszlám. Tanulmányok a muhammeddn vallás története köréböl (Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, 1881), pp. 299–340Google Scholar. I am grateful to Dr Làszlò Török of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences for providing me with photocopies of several of Goldziher's now rare early Hungarian works.

⁷ See the review by Hamori, Andras in the Middle East Studies Association Bulletin, 21 (1987), p. 244CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ Oriental Diary, pp. 13–79.

⁹ Hurgronje, Christiaan Snouck, Verspreide Geschriften, edited by Wensinck, A. J. (Bonn and Leipzig: Kurt Schroeder, 1923–1926Google Scholar; Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1927), vi, p. 457.

¹⁰ See Simon, Róbert, Ignác Goldziher: his Life and Scholarship as Reflected in his Works and Correspondence (Leiden: E. J. Brill; Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Könyvtára, 1986), pp. 157–419Google Scholar.

¹¹ Laura Mittler is the woman to whom Goldziher refers as “L” in the Oriental Diary, See Conrad, , “Study tour diary”, pp. 109–10, 113Google Scholar.

¹² The problem of loneliness dominates the early passages in the Oriental Diary. See Conrad, , ”Study tour diary”, pp. 109–10Google Scholar.

¹³ Oriental Diary, pp. 14, 31, 78.

¹⁴ On the Goldziher correspondence and the materials published thus far, see Conrad, , “Study tour diary”, p. 106Google Scholar. To this may now be added the 97 letters from Goldziher to M. J. de Goeje (1836–1909), covering the period 1871–1908, preserved in the Leiden University Library, Department of Western Manuscripts, BPL 2389.

¹⁵ See Tagebuch, pp. 15, 55.

¹⁶ The Oriental Diary was not kept with an audience in mind. See Conrad, , “Study tour diary”, pp. 110–11Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Tagebuch, pp. 218–19, 230–4.

¹⁸ Oriental Diary, pp. 32, 76.

¹⁹ Tagebuch, p. 215.

²⁰ Oriental Diary, p. 43.

²¹ Tagebuch, pp. 215–16.

²² Ibid., p. 18.

²³ Oriental Diary, p. 15.

²⁴ Ibid., pp. 21, 27, 62.

²⁵ Ibid., p. 23.

²⁶ See Patai, Raphael, The Arab Mind (New York: Scribner, 1973), pp. 156–66Google Scholar, and frequently elsewhere.

²⁷ On the reaction to Goldziher's, knowledge of Arabic and questions about Hungary, see Oriental Diary, pp. 120, 121, 124, 125, 150Google Scholar; Tagebuch, pp. 57–8, 59, 68.

²⁸ The first non-official Egyptian newspaper, Wādī-Nīl, was established in 1866. Nuzhat alafkār followed in 1869, and the first journal, Rawdat al-madāris, was founded by ‘Alī Mubārak in 1870. The first learned society was the Jam'īyat al-ma'ārif, founded in 1868, and the Dār al-'ulūm school was set up three years later. See Goldziher's, own reaction to these trends in his Jelentés, pp. 4–10Google Scholar; and especially his essays on the Middle East press and its current role in the formation and expression of public opinion, “Journalistik im Orient” (as above, n. 6), and “A muhammedán közvéleményröl”, Budapesti Szemli, 30 (1882), pp. 234–65Google Scholar; also de Tarrazi, Phillipe, Ta'rīkh al-ṣaḥāfa al-'arabīya (Beirut: Al-Matba'a al-adabīya, 1913–1933), i, pp. 69, 78Google Scholar; ii, 275, 277; iii, pp. 4–7, 8, 70, 162, 274; Duri, A. A., The Historical Formation of the Arab Nation, translated by Conrad, Lawrence I. (London: Croom Helm, 1987), pp. 149–51Google Scholar.

²⁹ See Abu-Lughod, Janet L., Cairo: 1001 Years of the City Victorious (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1971), pp. 103–13Google Scholar; and for Goldziher's, (negative) reaction to these projects, see Oriental Diary, pp. 141–2, 144, 148–9Google Scholar; Tagebuch, pp. 65–6, 67, 68, 71.

³⁰ On fellow Hungarians encountered by Goldziher, in the Near East, see Oriental Diary, pp. 95, 98, 101, 112, 147Google Scholar.

³¹ See Tagebuch, p. 90. At the place in question Károly Goldziher (1881–1955) has made the following note in the original manuscript: “Szegény mama tépte le !!!,” “My poor mother has torn it out !!!”

³² For this information I am grateful to Professor Shaul Shaked.

³³ See Patai's, recent study, Apprentice in Budapest: Memories of a World That Is No More (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1988Google Scholar).

³⁴ Oriental Diary, pp. 71–77 (p. 71 for the quotation).

³⁵ Ibid., p. 110.

³⁶ Ibid., p. 141.

³⁷ See Lawrence I. Conrad, “The pilgrim from Pest: Goldziher's study tour in the Near East (1873–74)”, in Golden Roads: Migration, Pilgrimage and Travel in Mediaeval and Modern Islam, edited by Ian Richard Netton, forthcoming.

³⁸ Oriental Diary, pp. 99, 101, 132; Tagebuch, p. 87.

³⁹ Oriental Diary, pp. 99, 127, 132, 136.

⁴⁰ Ibid., pp. 105, 109–11; Tagebuch, pp. 61, 65.

⁴¹ Oriental Diary, pp. 109–10, 111, 126, 135, 138, 148; Tagebuch, pp. 60, 61. Goldziher's ire on this point must be viewed in light of the fact that Western missionaries, strictly forbidden to seek converts among Muslims in the Ottoman Empire, instead focused their energies on converting Jews and members of rival Christian denominations. Cf. also Tagebuch, pp. 46, 106, on Hungarian Jews lured to the baptismal font by anti-Semitic requirements that candidates for professional advancement show certificates of baptism.

⁴² Oriental Diary, pp. 99, 100–1, 113.

⁴³ Ibid., pp. 50–4.

⁴⁴ Goldziher expressed such views to several of his favoured students. See Heller, Bernát, “Ignác Goldziher”, Magyar-Zsidó Szemle, 44 (1927), p. 273Google Scholar; Somogyi, Joseph de, “My reminiscences of Ignace Goldziher”, Muslim World, 51 (1961), pp. 15–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁵ Goldziher to Max Nordau (1849–1923), Budapest, 30 May 1920, in Scheiber, Alexander, “Max Nordau's letters to Ignace Goldziher”, Jewish Social Studies, 18 (1956), p. 205, n. 20Google Scholar. Cf. Tagebuch, p. 227, where he reacts with disgust to Vámbéry's observation that patriotism is “die grösste aller Schwindeleien”; Simon, , Igndc Goldziher, pp. 57–63Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Oriental Diary, pp. 99, 100–1, 105, 132.

⁴⁷ See Meyer, Michael A., Response to Modernity: a History of the Reform Movement in Judaism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), esp, pp. 89–99Google Scholar; and on Geiger in particular, Geiger, Ludwig, Abraham Geiger. Leben und Lebenswerk (Berlin: Georg Reimer, 1910CrossRefGoogle Scholar); and for his writings, his Nachgelassene Schriften, edited by Geiger, Ludwig (Berlin: Louis Gerschel Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1875–1878Google Scholar), also the anthology, Abraham Geiger and Liberal Judaism: the Challenge of the Twentieth Century, edited and translated by Wiener, Max and Schochauer, Ernst J. (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1962)Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ See Tagebuch, pp. 28, 33, 39, 123, and in particular p. 224, where (8 November 1899) he fulminates at the decision of the Izraelita Magyar Irodalmi Tarsulat (the “Israelite Hungarian Literary Society”; this is the body that Goldziher calls the “Jud. Litteraturverein” in the Tagebuch) to turn down a lecture on Geiger and to accept instead a lecture on Nietsche by the same speaker. “ Eine saubere Jūd. Litteraturgesellschaft!”, he concludes.

⁴⁹ Goldziher, Ignaz, A zsidóság lényege és fejlödése, edited by Bánóczi, József and Gábor, Ignác (Budapest: Népszerü Zsidó Könyvtár, 1923–1924Google Scholar). The first five lectures were originally published in the Magyar-Zsidó Szemle, 5 (1888), pp. 1–14, 65–80, 138–55, 261–79, 389–406Google Scholar. Cf. also the universalist dimension of his thinking as recalled by Somogyi, in his “Reminiscences”, p. 10Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Tagebuch, pp. 111–12.

⁵¹ Oriental Diary, p. 29.

⁵² Geiger's doctoral thesis at Bonn, , Was hat Mohammed aus dem Judenthume aufgenommen (Bonn: F. Baaden, 1833Google Scholar), had dealt with borrowings from Judaism in the Qur'ān. The study was originally a Latin prize-essay submitted in 1832 on a theme set by his teacher, Georg Freytag (1788–1861).

⁵³ See, for example, his “Az Összehasonlitó vallástudomány jelen állásáról”, Budapesti Szemle, 28 (1881), pp. 1–35Google Scholar; “A bibliai tudomány és a modern vallásos élet”, Magyar Zsidó Szemle, 1 (1884), pp. 89–97, 168–76Google Scholar; “Az Összehasonlitó vallástudomány ethnographiai kapcsolatai”, Ethnographia (Budapest), 3 (1893), pp. 335–51Google Scholar; “Mélanges judéo-arabes”, Revue des études juives, 43 (1901), pp. 1–14; 44 (1902), pp. 63–72; 45 (1902), pp. 1–12; 47 (1903), pp. 41–6, 179–86; 49 (1904), pp. 219–30; 50 (1905), pp. 32–44, 182–90; 52 (1906), pp. 43–50, 187–92; 55 (1908), pp. 58–9; 60 (1910), pp. 32–8Google Scholar; A buddhismus hatása az iszlámra (Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia, 1902Google Scholar); “Die islamische und die jüidische Philosophie des Mittelalters”, in Die Kultur der Gegenwart, edited by Hinneberg, Paul, 3rd edition, i.5 (Leipzig and Berlin: B. G. Teubner, 1922), pp. 301–37Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Oriental Diary, p. 65.

⁵⁵ Ibid., pp. 98, 123.

⁵⁶ Ibid., pp. 119, 124. The example of Ramadán is the sole criticism of Islam noted by Patai (ibid., p. 65).

⁵⁷ Ibid., pp. 92, 104, 106, 116, 117–18, 120–1, 125, 128, 129, 152, 153. Anti-Semitic comment was easily dropped in Goldziher's presence, since most people took him for a Christian.

⁵⁸ Ibid., pp. 141, 148–9. Cf. a later manifestation of this view in a letter to S. A. Poznanski (1864–1921), Budapest, 18 October 1911, in Goitein, S. D., “Goldziher as seen through his letters”, in Ignace Goldziher Memorial Volume, i, edited by Löwinger, Samuel and de Somogyi, Joseph (Budapest: Globus, 1948), p. 22Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ See this writer's “The pilgrim from Pest”, forthcoming.

⁶⁰ Oriental Diary, pp. 88–9, 97, 99–101, 103, 104.

⁶¹ On al-Jazā'irī, see al-Khaṭīb, 'Adnān, Al-Shaykh Ṭāhir al-Jazā'irī: rā'id al-nahḍa al'ilmīya ft Bilād al-Shām (Cairo: League of Arab States, Institute for Advanced Arab Studies, 1971Google Scholar); Sharabi, Hisham, Arab Intellectuals and the West: the Formative Years, 1875–1914 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1970), pp. 24–6Google Scholar; Escovitz, Joseph H., “‘He was the Muhammad 'Abduh of Syria’: a study of Ṭāhir al-Jazā'irī and his influence”, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 18 (1986), pp. 293–310CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Duri, , Historical Formation of the Arab Nation, pp. 166, 219–20, 221Google Scholar.

⁶² On their relationship from Goldziher's, point of view, see Oriental Diary, pp. 119–20, 123, 124, 126–7Google Scholar; Tagebuch, p. 282. Al-Jazā'irī's opinion is known from the recollections of his student and junior colleague Muḥammad Kurd ‘Alī (1876–1953); see the latter's Al-Mu'āṣirūn, edited by al-Miṣrī, Muhammad (Damascus: Maṭba'at Dār Abī Bakr, 1401/1980), pp. 132–4Google Scholar; idem, Kunūz al-ajdād, 2nd edition (Damascus: Dār al-fikr, 1404/1984), p. 18.

⁶³ Oriental Diary, pp. 141–2, 144, 147–79; Tagebuch, pp. 65, 66–7, 71–2; and on education in particular, his “Tanügyi reformok egyptomban”, Magyar Tanügyi, 2 (1873), pp. 129–37, 201–8Google Scholar, a rebuttal of Dor Bey's L'Instruction publique en Egypte, written the previous year.

⁶⁴ Goldziher consistently refers to al-'Abbāsī as the son of a converted rabbi, but this is impossible and al-'Abbāsī was almost certainly of Coptic origin. See this writer's “Study tour diary”, pp. 122–3.

⁶⁵ On al-'Abbāsī, see Mubārak, 'Alī Pāshā, Al-Khiṭaṭ al-tawfīqīya al-jadīda (Bulaq: Al-Maṭba'a al-amīrīya al-kubrā, A.H. 1304–6), xvii, pp. 12–13Google Scholar; Taymūr, Aḥmad, Tarājim a'yān alqarn al-thālith 'ashar wa-awā'il al-rābī 'ashar (Cairo: ‘Abd al-Ḥamīd Aḥmad Hanafī, n.d.), pp. 67–80Google Scholar; Muḥammad 'Abd al-Khāliq. “Al-Shaykh Muḥammad al-'Abbāsī al-Mahdī”, in Zaydān, Jurjī, Tarājim mashāhīr al-sharq fī l-qarn al-tāsi 'ashar (Cairo: Maṭba'at al-hilāl, 1910–1911), ii, pp. 210–15Google Scholar; Sarkīs, Yūsuf Ilyān, Mu'jam al-maṭbūāt al-'arabīya wa-l-mu'arraba (Cairo: Maṭba'at Sarkīs, 1346/1928), p. 181Google Scholar; Heyworth-Dunne, J., An Introduction to the History of Education in Modern Egypt (London: Luzac, 1938), pp. 399–402Google Scholar; Marsot, Afaf Lutfi al-Sayyid, “The beginnings of modernization among the rectors of al-Azhar, 1798–1879”, in Beginnings of Modernization in the Middle East: the Nineteenth Century, edited by Polk, William R. and Chambers, Richard L. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), pp. 279–80Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Al-'Abbāsīs, legal decisions were collected into seven volumes and published as Al-Fatāwī al-mahdīya fī-wāqi'āt al-miṣrīya (Cairo: Al-Matba'a al-azharīya, A.H. 1301–4Google Scholar). See GAL, SII, 740.

⁶⁷ Muḥammad Kurd 'Alī recalls him signing his books in this way. See Kurd, 'Airs Mu'dsirun, p. 132Google Scholar.

⁶⁸ For details of his life and career Vámbéry is his own best source. On his travels, his debut account is his “Sketch of a journey through Central Asia to Khiva, Bokhara, and Samarcand”, Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, 8 (1863–4), pp. 267–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with a full narrative in his subsequent Travels in Central Asia (London: John Murray, 1864Google Scholar), and new material in his Vándorlásaim és élményeim persiában (Pest: Kiadja Heckenast Gusztáv, 1867Google Scholar); idem, Sketches of Central Asia (London: Wm. H. Allen and Co., 1868Google Scholar); idem, Sittenbilder aus dem Morgenlande (Berlin: A. Hofmann und Co., 1876). He also wrote two autobiographies: Arminius Vambéry: his Life and Adventures, Written by Himself (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1883Google Scholar); and The Story of My Struggles: the Memoirs of Arminius Vambéry (London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1904Google Scholar). His thinking on East-West relations is epitomized in his Der Islam im neunzehnten Jahrhundert (Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1875Google Scholar). On the strategic conflict between the imperial interests of Britain and Russia he was a constant commentator in his own monographs, in journals, and in the popular press; an important example arising from the Penjdeh Incident of 1885 is his The Coming Struggle for India (London: Cassell and Co., 1885Google Scholar), and an overview is available in his Western Culture in Eastern Lands (London: John Murray, 1906Google Scholar). A bibliography of his writings, with a brief biographical sketch, has been prepared by Hazai, György, Ármin Vámbéry 1832–1913: a Bio-Bibliography (Budapest: Magyar Tudományos Akadémia Könyvtára, 1963Google Scholar). A useful biography based on his writings, unpublished letters, and official archive materials (though somewhat romantic, full of printing mistakes and garbled passages, and almost entirely lacking in references to sources), is available in Alder and Dalby, The Dervish of Windsor Castle.

⁶⁹ Tagebuch, pp. 24–6 (p. 26 for the quotation).

⁷⁰ Ibid., pp. 29–30. On the Biblical allusion crucial to Goldziher's account of the confrontation, see Patai's, explanation in Oriental Diary, p. 41Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Tagebuch, pp. 285, 286. For the memorial lecture on Vámbéry, see his “Vámbéry Ármin tiszt. tag emlékezete”, in A Magyar Tudományos Akadémia elhúnyt tagjai fölött tartott emlékbeszédek, xvii. 6 (1915), pp. 1–18Google Scholar.

⁷² Oriental Diary, pp. 16–19, 37–45, 73.

⁷³ Vámbéry's works are replete with such observations. See, for example, Travels, p. 35; Sketches, p. 200; A History of Bokhara (London: Henry S. King, 1873), xxxvGoogle Scholar; Der Islam, pp. 120–54; Life and Adventures, pp. 101, 181, 257; Struggles, ii, p. 415; Western Culture, pp. 2, 4–5, 52, 119, 264, 266.

⁷⁴ Travels, p. 130. In his “Sketch”, p. 268, the Khān is a “sick tyrant with very frightful features” who “does little else but slaughter hundreds of his subjects for mere trifles”. In Life and Adventures, p. 203, the ruler is “debauched” as well.

⁷⁵ Struggles, ii, p. 478.

⁷⁶ Sittenbilder, pp. 16–17, 77–117, 127, 198, for the examples cited above.

⁷⁷ Vándorlásaim, pp. 116–19, 188–90, 227–9, 326–40. Cf. also Der Islam, pp. 155–70.

⁷⁸ See, in particular, Der Islam, pp. 218–37.

⁷⁹ Travels, pp. 222, 231, 239, 275, 292; Sketches, pp. 150–65, a long chapter on “My Tartar”; Life and Adventures, pp. 243, 244, 258, 286, 287, 294, 296, 300, 301, 302, 304, 323–4, 326; Struggles, i, pp. 212–13, 219; ii, p. 277. See also Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, pp. 264–7Google Scholar.

⁸⁰ Travels, p. 442; Sketches, pp. 229–30; Der Islam, pp. 285–321; Struggles, i, p. 182; Western Culture, pp. 3, 4–5, 52, 266–7, 394–5.

⁸¹ Western Culture, pp. 150, 156.

⁸² Sketches, p. 126.

⁸³ Sketches, pp. 163–5; Der Islam, pp. 195, 250–2, 258, 262; Sittenbilder, p. 127; Life and Adventures, p. 25; Western Culture, pp. 52, 200, 227, and especially the prolonged and detailed argument at pp. 263–396.

⁸⁴ Travels, p. 439; Sketches, pp. 170, 188, 229–30; History of Bokhara, p. 418; Der Islam, pp. 238–64; Life and Adventures, p. 156; India, p. 167; Western Culture, pp. 2, 5, 10, 103.

⁸⁵ Oriental Diary, p. 37.

⁸⁶ That is, Vámbéry's arguments clearly fall within the European discourse characterized by Said as “the corporate institution for dealing with the Orient – dealing with it by making statements about it, authorizing views of it, describing it, by teaching it, settling it, ruling over it: in short, Orientalism as a Western style for dominating, restructuring, and having authority over the Orient”. See Edward, Said, Orientalism (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1978), p. 3Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ See Fück, Johann, Die arabischen Studien in Europa bis in den Anfang des 20. Jahrhunderts (Leipzig: Otto Harrassowitz, 1955), p. 233Google Scholar; Waardenburg, Jean-Jacques, L'Islam dans le miroir de L'Occident, 3rd edition (Paris and The Hague, 1969), pp. 20–2, 99–104, 245–9, 270–4Google Scholar. On Snouck Hurgronje and Dutch colonial policy, see own, Snouck'sPolitique musulmane de la Hollande (Paris: Ernest Leroux, 1911Google Scholar); also Benda, Harry J., “Christiaan Snouck Hurgronje and the foundations of Dutch Islamic policy in Indonesia”, Journal of Modern History, 30 (1958), pp. 338–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁸ See Nöldeke, Theodor, Aufsätze zur persischen Geschichte (Leipzig: T. O. Weigel, 1887), viGoogle Scholar: “Vielleicht befremdet Manchen, dass ich im Ganzen die Orientalen und namentlich die Perser nicht allzu günstig beurtheile. Mich haben eben meine orientalischen Studien immer mehr zum Griechenfreunde gemacht, und ich denke, so wird es ziemlich Jedem gehn, der mit Ernst, aber mit unbefangenem Sinn das Wesen der orientalischen Völker kennen zu lernen sucht.” For the examples, see Geiger, , Nachgelassene Schriften, v, p. 342Google Scholar; Simon, , Igndc Goldziher, pp. 31, 118, 255Google Scholar; Nöldeke, Theodor, Das iranische Nationalepos, 2nd edition (Berlin and Leipzig: Walter de Gruyter, 1920), p. 52Google Scholar. An extremely informative assessment of Nöldeke in broad intellectual terms may be found in Hartmut Fähndrich, “Invariable factors underlying the historical perspective in Theodor Nöldeke's Orientalische Skizzen (1892)”, in Akten des VII. Kongresses für Arabistik und Islamwissenschaft, edited by Dietrich, Albert in Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-Historische Klasse, 3. Folge, 98 (Göttingen: Van den Hoeck und Ruprecht, 1976), pp. 146–54Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ See Tagebuch, p. 104; Yahuda, A. S., “Die Bedeutung der Goldziherschen Bibliothek für die zukünftige hebräische Universität”, Der Jude, 8 (1924), p. 583. Cf. also Snouck's comments on Goldziher's attitude toward him in his Verspreide Geschriften, vi, pp. 457–8Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Tagebuch, p. 26.

⁹¹ Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, pp. 282–6. For Vámbéry's own assessment of these suspicions, see Struggles, i, pp. 199, 226Google Scholar.

⁹² “Sketch”, pp. 269, 270; Travels, pp. 51, 97–8, 126–30, 136–7, 177–8, 217–19; Sketches, p. 25; Life and Adventures, pp. 66, 126, 163, 177, 180, 181, 182, 201–3, 205–6, 237–9.

⁹³ See, for example, Sketches, pp. 192–3; Der Islam, pp. 71, 101; Sittenbilder, pp. 82, 158, 161, 166; Western Culture, pp. 29, 36, 68, 154, 228, 267, 276, 307, 309, 310, 311, 313, 314, 315, 321, 322, 342, 380, 382, 396.

⁹⁴ Travels, p. 315; Sketches, p. 8; Western Culture, pp. 68, 276, 396.

⁹⁵ Travels, pp. 170, 372; Sketches, p. 84.

⁹⁶ Sketches, p. 174. Vámbéry apparently later abandoned this idea; see Sittenbilder, pp. 54–6.

⁹⁷ “Sketch”, p. 270.

⁹⁸ See Travels, pp. 43 (fātiḥa twice glossed as “blessings”), 64, 119, 247–8, 277, 278, 317 (“benediction”); Vándorlásaim, pp. 341 (“áldást”), 375 (“áldás”), 396 (“áldást”); Sketches, pp. 10 (“blessings”), 129 (“blessing”), 174; History of Bokhara, p. 349 (“blessing”); Life and Adventures, pp. 161 (“blessing”), 167, 169, 176, 196–7, 199, 208, 255, 260, 296, 316; Struggles, i, p. 193 (“prayer”).

⁹⁹ Life and Adventures, pp. 152, 334.

¹⁰⁰ Sketches, pp, 198, 271, 272.

¹⁰¹ Western Culture, p. 208. Here Vámbéry speaks of the authors “Tabakati Nasiri” and “Tarikhi Baihaki”. But in both cases these are great and well-known works of Persian historical writing, the Ṭabaqāt-i nāṣirī being the history of Minhāj al-Dīn al-Jūzjānī (wr. c 658/1259) and the Ta'rīkh-i Bayhaqī that of al-Bayhaqī (d. 470/1077).

¹⁰² Sittenbilder, p. 6. One would of course want “besser” rather than “nützlicher”.

¹⁰³ Western Culture, p. 313.

¹⁰⁴ On the contemporary reaction to the History of Bokhara, which included views that the work was “nearly worthless”, see Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, pp. 281–6Google Scholar. Alder and Dalby give a concluding impression that the book was unfairly maligned, but current scholarly opinion still holds that the work is one to be avoided. See, for example. Sinor, Denis, Introduction à I'étude de l'Eurasie centrale (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1963), p. 333Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ Struggles, ii, p. 484. Cf. Life and Adventures, p. 354, also regretting this work.

¹⁰⁶ Travels, pp. 338–9; Sketches, pp. 190–1, 192–4.

¹⁰⁷ See Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, pp. 11, 178, 221, 222, 249, 266Google Scholar, for other cases that came to their attention.

¹⁰⁸ Tagebuch, p. 26.

¹⁰⁹ Ibid., pp. 26–7, 29–30, 105, 129, 169, 187, 226–7, 242.

¹¹⁰ The notes that Foreign Office officials jotted down in the margins of his letters and reports make for very instructive reading in this respect. In 1894, for example, Sir Thomas Sanderson (1841–1923), newly appointed Permanent Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, queried Foreign Secretary Lord Kimberley (1826–1902) on how to deal with a confused request for money from Vámbéry and commented: “I suppose I must see him.” Lord Kimberley replied: “I pity you. I have seen him.” See Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, pp. 420–1Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Ibid., pp. 478–9; and for other material apropos of his vanity, pp. 11, 181, 186, 281, 316–17, 318, 321, 372–4, 380, 392, 394, 395, 396–7, 410, 411, 446, 447–8, 454–5, 468.

¹¹² Tagebuch, p. 29.

¹¹³ Stoker, Bram, Personal Reminiscences of Henry Irving (London: William Heinemann, 1906), i, pp. 371–2Google Scholar. The poison pill story had become more elaborate by the time Vámbéry wrote his memoirs; see Struggles, i, pp. 185–6, 195–6.

¹¹⁴ Howard to Sanderson, Budapest, 10 November 1910; quoted in Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, p. 455Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ Howard, Lord of Penrith, The Theatre of Life: Life Seen from the Stalls, 1905–1936 (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1936), pp. 161–4Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Herzl, Theodor, The Complete Diaries of Theodor Herzl, edited by Patai, Raphael, translated by Harry John (New York: Herzl Press, 1960), iii, pp. 961–2, 978Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ See Blunt, Wilfrid S., My Diaries, Being a Personal Record of Events, 1888–1914 (London: Martin Seeker, 1919–1920), i, pp. 189–90Google Scholar.

¹¹⁸ “Sketch”, p. 269; Life and Adventures, pp. 29, 32, 34, 140; India, p. 201; Struggles, ii, 312–15, 385–6, 449, 453.

¹¹⁹ Struggles, ii, pp. 319–20, 450–1.

¹²⁰ Vámbéry to Eōtvōs, Mashhad, 12 December 1863; quoted in Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, pp. 179, 251Google Scholar. The emphasis is Vámbéry's.

¹²¹ Life and Adventures, p. 325; Struggles, ii, pp. 219–25.

¹²² Wolff, Joseph, Narrative of a Mission to Bokhara in the Years 1843–1845, to Ascertain the Fate of Colonel Stoddart and Captain Conolly (London: John W. Parker, 1845)Google Scholar.

¹²³ Life and Adventures, pp. 334, 336.

¹²⁴ See Wolff's, Narrative, ii, pp. 325–47Google Scholar, the same sort of political appendix that Vambery adds to his own works. The similarity of Vambery's narrative to that of Wolff was immediately noted in the discussion after his Burlington House lecture and made for some awkward moments. See “Sketch”, pp. 272–3, for a summary of this discussion.

¹²⁵ See Vámbéry's, account of this audience in Life and Adventures, p. 352Google Scholar; Struggles, ii, p. 261; also Alder, and Dalby's, clarifying comments in Dervish, pp. 241–4Google Scholar.

¹²⁶ Struggles, ii, pp. 263–4, 270. Vámbéry attributes the opposition in Pest to anti-Semitism.

¹²⁷ Ibid., ii, pp. 418–31, 436. After the first meeting between the two men, Herzl noted in his diary (iii, p. 961) that Vámbéry was an atheist.

¹²⁸ Herzl, , Diaries, iii, p. 961Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ See Struggles, i, pp. 3–103, as compared to Life and Adventures, pp. 2–10, where not a word of any Jewish connection is said regarding the author's background. The former work also freely refers to Vámbéry's Jewish origin in numerous other contexts, while the latter, written 20 years earlier, never does.

¹³⁰ See Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, p. 191Google Scholar.

¹³¹ Vámbéry to John Murray, London, 31 December 1864; quoted in Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, p. 228Google Scholar.

¹³² See, for example, Sketches, p. 200; History of Bokhara, p. 419; India, pp. 22, 152–4; Western Culture, p. 146. As was common at the time, “fanaticism” is for Vámbéry a blanket pejorative applicable to any activity by an “Oriental” that is annoying to European sensibilities and sufficiently energetic to falsify accusations of sloth. For illustrative examples from Foreign Office records, see Buheiry, Marwan R., The Formation and Perception of the Modem Arab World, edited by Conrad, Lawrence I. (Princeton: Darwin Press, 1989), pp. 65–82Google Scholar.

¹³³ See Travels, pp. 439–43; Sketches, pp. 379–444; Life and Adventures, pp. 338–43, 361–70; India, pp. 165–89; Struggles, ii, pp. 251, 273–4, 285–315, 325–6, 381–3, 387; Western Culture, pp. 52–79, 116, 117, 121. See also Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, pp. 287–308Google Scholar.

¹³⁴ Struggles, ii, pp. 276–8, 296.

¹³⁶ Ibid., ii, p p. 303–7.

¹³⁶ Ibid., ii, pp. 385–6.

¹³⁷ Public Record Office (Kew), Foreign Office Archives, FO 800/32 and 33, “Vambery Papers”.

¹³⁸ Struggles, ii, p p. 385–6.

¹³⁹ See Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, pp. 389–461Google Scholar (p. 457 on the Oxford degree proposal).

¹⁴⁰ See Goldziher, , Tagebuch, p. 226Google Scholar; Herzl, , Diaries, ii, p. 961Google Scholar. Vámbéry boasted to Herzl that he could not spend even half of the interest he was making from his fortune.

¹⁴¹ Struggles, ii, pp. 312–15.

¹⁴² Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, pp. 389–461Google Scholar.

¹⁴³ Ibid., pp. 440–1, 446.

¹⁴⁴ Western Culture, pp. 126–7.

¹⁴⁵ For this survey of his writings, see Struggles, ii, pp. 468–86.

¹⁴⁶ Tagebuch, pp. 105, 226.

¹⁴⁷ Life and Adventures, p. 352; Struggles, ii, p. 261.

¹⁴⁸ Vámbéry to Murray, Pest, 30 September 1865 and 6 November 1866; both quoted in Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, p. 245Google Scholar.

¹⁴⁹ See “Egy tizenhatéves orientalista”, Hazdnk és a külföld, 1866, pp. 333–34; also Goldziher's, account of the episode in his Tagebuch, pp. 26–7Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁰ Oriental Diary, p. 17.

¹⁵¹ According to the Tagebuch, pp. 27, 45, this was already noticed at the time by J. Budenz (1836–1892), an eminent philologist, professor at the University of Budapest, and close personal friend of Nöldeke. Cf. also Simon's, assessment of the situation in his Ignác Goldziher, p. 39Google Scholar.

¹⁵² Sittenbilder, p. 129; Western Culture, pp. 146, 164.

¹⁵³ Travels, viii; Life and Adventures, pp. 29, 354–5; India, p. 201; Struggles, ii, pp. 286, 307, 313–14, 414, 446–7, 475; Western Culture, pp. 6, 269.

¹⁵⁴ See Somogyi, , “Reminiscences”, p. 9Google Scholar.

¹⁵⁵ Tagebuch, p. 25.

¹⁵⁶ See, for example, Goldziher's revealing letter to De Goeje, als, Budapest, 22 March 1873 (Leiden, BPL 2389), p. 1.

¹⁵⁷ Az Iszlám, pp. 341–82. Cf. Tagebuch, p. 26.

¹⁵⁸ Read “Liebschiiler” for the “Leibschüler” in the printed text.

¹⁵⁹ Tagebuch, p. 27.

¹⁶⁰ See Buheiry, , Formation and Perception of the Modern Arab World, p. 106Google Scholar.

¹⁶¹ Vámbéry to Murray, Pest, 30 September 1865; quoted in Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, p. 245Google Scholar.

¹⁶² Herzl, , Diaries, iii, p. 961Google Scholar. Cf. Bein, Alex, Theodore Herzl: A Biography, translated by Samuel, Maurice (London: East and West Library, 1962), p. 342Google Scholar.

¹⁶³ Goldziher cannot bring himself simply to repeat this phrase. The Tagebuch has: “Wissenschaft ist ein Dr..k (ipsissima verba).”

¹⁶⁴ See Tagebuch, p. 226. In 1900, when Goldziher recorded these remarks, Foreign Office records show that Vámbéry was receiving an annuity of £120.00. Not then, or ever, was there any increase to or by £500.00 per annum.

¹⁶⁵ Oriental Diary, p. 40.

¹⁶⁶ See Bein, , Theodore Herzl, pp. 94–5, 100–1Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁷ On József Patai and Mult és Jövö, see Patai's, Raphael invaluable Apprentice in Budapest, pp. 110–29 and frequently elsewhereGoogle Scholar; also the article on Patai, J. in the Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem: Keter, 1971–2), xiii, pp. 177–8 (Baruch Yaron)Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁸ Tagebuch, p. 300. Two years earlier Goldziher had apparently been on good terms with the journal, or at least sufficiently so to contribute to it; see his “Tradició és dogma”, Mult és Jövö, 6 (1916), pp. 207–12Google Scholar. Cf. also Goldziher to Immanuel Löw, Budapest, 15 March 1914; edited by Alexander, (Sándor) Scheiber in his “Goldziher Ignác levelei Löw Immánuelhez”, Uj élet, 2.50 (12 December 1946), p. 8Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁹ Oriental Diary, pp. 76–7.

¹⁷⁰ Bein, , Theodore Herzl, p. 342Google Scholar.

¹⁷¹ See Herzl, , Diaries, iii, pp. 960–1, 979, 1009, 1010–11, 1079, 1080, 1093, 1101–5, 1144, 1173Google Scholar. Cf. Bein, , Theodore Herzl, pp. 349, 363Google Scholar; Alder, and Dalby, , Dervish, pp. 367–88Google Scholar.

¹⁷² See, for example, Solomon Schechter (1849–1915) to Goldziher, New York, 21 11 1904Google Scholar, in Scheiber, Alexander, “Letters of Solomon Schechter to William Bacher and Ignace Goldziher”, Hebrew Union College Annual, 33 (1962), p. 271Google Scholar; Nordau to Goldziher, London, 12 May 1920, in Scheiber, , “Nordau's letters”, pp. 205–6Google Scholar; Goitein, , “Goldziher as seen through his letters”, p. 3Google Scholar.

¹⁷³ Macdonald, Duncan Black, “Autobiographical notes”, Hartford Seminary Foundation Bulletin, 1 (1946), p. 12Google Scholar. I am grateful to Professor Bernard Lewis for drawing this document to my attention.

¹⁷⁴ Oriental Diary, p. 71.