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Enlightened Despotism and State Building: The Case of Austrian Lombardy1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 February 2009

Alexander Grab
Alexander Grab
Affiliation:
University of Mario, Orono
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Extract

It was said that Count Kaunitz, the Austrian chancellor under the enlightened despots Maria Theresa and Joseph II, settled Belgian and Italian affairs every morning while putting on his stockings. The thick volume of correspondence between Vienna and Milan in the second half of the eighteenth century and the wide reform program which the Austrian rulers launched in Lombardy during those years demonstrate, however, that this Italian dominion was much more important to the Habsburgs than the ironic anecdote implied. Indeed, research over the last fifteen years on the reform policy of the enlightened despots in Lombardy has shown that this province was highly significant for the Viennese rulers, who made considerable efforts to integrate it into their empire. Lombardy had both strategic and economic value for the Viennese authorities; strategically, it served as the northern gateway to Italy, thus helping the Habsburgs to maintain their influence in the Italian peninsula. Economically, Lombardy possessed a highly developed agriculture, which provided Vienna with a rich source of revenues.

Information

Type
The Habsburg Empire: Its People, Administration, and Art
Information
Austrian History Yearbook , Volume 19 , Issue 2 , January 1984 , pp. 43 - 72
Copyright
Copyright © Center for Austrian Studies, University of Minnesota 1984

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References

2 Wandruszka, Adam, Österreich und Italien im 18. Jahrhundert (Vienna: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 1963), p. 47.Google Scholar

3 The best and most comprehensive study on Lombardy during the reform period is by Capra, Carlo, “II Settecento” in Domenico Sella and Carlo Capra, II Ducato di Milano dal 1535 al 1796 (Turin: UTET, 1984), pp. 153–617.Google Scholar Many other works will be mentioned throughout this article.

4 Arthur Young, the famous English agronomist, who travelled in Lombardy, pointed out: “Lombardy is one of the richest plains in the world; for fertility of soil united with the use that is made of it by watering, it much exceeds every other in Europe.” Young, Arthur, Travels During the Years 1787, 1788 and 1789 (London: W. Richardson, 1794), p. 146.Google Scholar

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6 There is a vast bibliography that deals with the Habsburgs' reforms throughout the empire. A few works which provide a general overview of the entire period are: Mikoletzky, H.L., Österreich. Das groβe 18. Jahrhundert, von Leopold I bis Leopold II. (Vienna: Österreichische Bundesverlag, 1967)Google Scholar; Wangermann, Ernst, The Austrian Achievement 1700–1800 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1973);Google ScholarValsecchi, Franco, L'assolutismo illuminato in Austria e Lombardia, (2 vols.; Bologna: N. Zanichelli, 1931–1934).Google Scholar

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14 Franco Valsecchi, L'assolutismo illuminato, II, 153.

15 Cited in Mozzarelli, Cesare, Per la storia delpubblico impiego nello stato moderno: il caso deltaLombardia Austriaca (Milan: Giuffrè, 1972), p. 10, footnote 12.Google Scholar

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18 Ibid., p. 286.

19 A text of this decree appears in Mozzarelli, Per la storia delpubblico impiego, pp. 134–140.

20 Capra, “Il Settecento,” p. 285.

21 On Pallavicini's career and reform policy see Romani, Mario, “Gian Luca Pallavicini e le riforme economiche nello Stato di Milano” in M. Romani, Aspetti e problemi di storia economica Lombarda nei seccoli XVIII e XIX, Zaninelli, S., ed. (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1977), pp. 355–391);Google Scholar Capra, “II Settecento,” pp. 268–300.

22 On the Ferma generate see Caizzi, Bruno, Industria, commercio e banca in Lombardia net XVIII secolo (Milan: Banca commerciale Italiana, 1968), pp. 157–165.Google Scholar For a useful summary about Antonio Greppi, the leading member of the Ferma generale, see Klang, Daniel, ' “Reform and Enlightenment in Eighteenth-Century Lombardy,” Canadian Journal of History, XIX (1984), 49–54.Google Scholar

23 Ibid., p.48.

24 On the censimento see Klang, Daniel, Tax Reform in Eighteenth-Century Lombardy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1977);Google ScholarVenturi, Franco, Settecento riformatore I. Da Muratori a Beccaria (Turin: G. Einaudi, 1969), pp. 432–437;Google Scholar Capra, “II Settecento,” pp. 213–229, 310–319, 343–350.

25 Valsecchi, L'assolutismo illuminato, II, 59.

26 Zaninelli, Sergio,II nuovo censo dello Stato di Milano dall' edito del 1718 al 1733 (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1963), pp. 29–33 and 63–70; Klang, Tax Reform, pp. 12–19.Google Scholar

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30 Capra, “II Settecento,” p. 297.

31 Ibid., p. 300.

32 Capra, “Riforme finanziarie,” p. 317. For information on Cristiani see Ostoja, Andrea, “Uno statista italiano del settecento: II ministro Beltrame Cristiani,” Bollettino storico piacentino, LI (1950), 73–102.Google Scholar

33 Neri expressed his view in a report entitled Relazione dello stato in cui si trova Vopera del Censimento universale del Ducato di Milano nel mese di maggio dell' anno 1750. For more on him and his views see Mozzarelli, Cesare, Sovrano, società e amministrazione locale nella Lornbardia Teresiana (1749–1758) (Bologna: II Mulino, 1982), pp. 19–34; Klang, Tax Reform, pp. 24–32.Google Scholar

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35 A tax paid by all males between fourteen and sixty years of age. The personal deputy represented the interests of the lower classes in the community.

36 A tax paid by merchants and artisans.

37 Capra, “II Settecento,” pp. 320–321; Mozzarelli, Sovrano, società, pp. 127–129.

38 Valsecchi, L'assolutismo illuminato, II, 96.

39 On the provincial reforms see Mozzarelli, Sovrano, società, pp. 139–199; Klang, Tax Reform, pp. 54–59; Rotelli, “Gli ordinamenti locali,” pp. 184–189.

40 In addition to the five provinces mentioned above, the authorities established the town of Casalmaggiore as a new, separate province.

41 Rotelli, “Gli ordinamenti locali,” p. 186.

42 Capra, “II Settecento,” p. 324.

43 Mozzarelli, Sovrano, società, pp. 190–199.

44 “Capra, “II Settecento,” p. 326.

45 Klang, Tax Reform, pp. 37–38.

46 Ibid.

47 Capra, Riforme finanziarie, pp. 326–327.

48 Ibid., p. 326.

49 Ibid., p. 317.

50 Szabo, Franz, “Kaunitz and the Reforms of the Co-Regency of Maria Theresa and Joseph II” (doctoral dissertation, University of Edmonton, 1976), pp. 269–270.Google Scholar

51 On the Dipartimento d'Italia see Capra, Carlo, “Luigi Giusti e il Dipartimento d'ltalia a Vienna 1757–1766,” Società e storia, XV (1982), 61–85;Google Scholar Valsecchi, L'assolutismo illuminato, II, 106–109.

52 Capra, “Il Settecento,” p. 332; Valsecchi, L'assolutismo illuminato, II, 106–107.

53 “Capra, “Luigi Giusti,” pp. 75–77.

54 For Firmian's early career and education see Garms-Cornides, Elisabeth, “Riflessi dell' illuminismo italiano nel riformismo asburgico: La formazione intelletuale del conte Carlo Firmian” in Atti del convegno internazionale “L'illuminismo italiano e l'Europa” (Rome, 25–26 March 1976) (Rome: Accademiadei Lincei, 1977), pp. 75–96; Wandruszka, Österreich undltalien, pp. 61–63.Google Scholar

55 Capra, “Riforme finanziarie,” pp. 324–329.

56 Archivio storico di Milano (hereafter ASM), Annona, parteantica(hereafter p. a.), Cartella (hereafter c.) 33, letter to Kaunitz, 21 March 1767.

57 Venturi, Franco, Italy and the Enlightenment (London: Longman, 1972), p. xix.Google ScholarFor information on Verri's life the best account remains Nino Valeri, Pietro Verri (Milan: A. Mondadori, 1937).Google Scholar Other sources are the final chapter in Venturi, Settecento riformatore, I, 645–747; Donald Limoli, “Verri, Pietro, a Lombard Reformer Under Enlightened Absolutism and the French Revolution,” Journal of Central European Affairs, XVIII (10 1958), 254–280.Google Scholar

58 Verri first expressed these views in a manuscript he sent to Vienna in 1763, entitled “Considerazioni sul commercio dello Stato di Milano.” In 1769 Verri strongly advocated the deregulation of trade in grain in a long essay entitled “Riflessioni sulle leggi vincolanti principalmente del commercio de' grani scritte l'anno 1769 con l'applicazione allo Stato di Milano.” This essay can be found in a collection of Verri's works edited by Felice, Renzo de, Del piacere e dolore ed altri scritti (Milan: G. Feltrinelli, 1964), pp. 261–408.Google Scholar Another important work by Verri on political economy entitled “Delia economia politica'' which he wrote in 1771 can also be found in the same collection, pp. 125–260.

59 “Romagnoli, Sergio, ed., Il Caffé (Milan: G. Feltrinelli, 1960).Google Scholar

60 ““On Beccaria see the following works by Venturi: final chapter in Settecento riformatore, I, 645–747; “Beccaria, Cesare” in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, VII (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1965), 458–459.Google Scholar Beccaria's writings were edited by Romagnoli, Sergiounder the title Opere, (2 vols., Florence: Sansoni, 1958)Google Scholar and include a valuable introduction.

61 See the English translation by Paolucci, Henri, On Crimes and Punishments (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1963).Google Scholar

62 Mauri, Angelo, “La cattedra di Cesare Beccaria,” Archivio storico italiano, XX (1933), 199–262.Google Scholar On Beccaria as an economist see Mario Romani “Beccaria economista” in Romani, Mario, Aspetti eproblemi distoria economica lombarda nei secoli XVIII eXIX (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1977), pp. 431–442.Google Scholar

63 The edict which announced this body was published in Vianello, Carlo A., ed., La riforma finanziaria nella Lombardia austriaca nell XVIII secolo (Milan: Giuffre, 1940), pp. 5–17.Google Scholar

64 On the important issue of liberalization of the trade in grain in Lombardy see Grab, Alexander, “The Politics of Subsistence: Liberalization of the Trade in Grain in Austrian Lombardy,” Journal of Modern History, CVII (06 1985), 185–210.Google Scholar

65 Valsecchi, L'assolutismo illuminato, II, 167.

66 Capra, “Riforme finanziarie,” pp. 348–349.

67 For a biography of Carli see Stefano, Francesco de, G.R. Carli (1720–1795): Contribute) alia storia delle origini del Risorgimento italiano (Modena: Soc. tip. modenese, 1942).Google Scholar

68 The information on the officials mentioned below is taken from Capra, “Riforme finanziarie,” pp. 350–352.

69 For information on Carpani see Capra, Carlo, “Carpani” in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, XX, (Rome: Istituto della Enciclopedia Italiana, 1977) 575–581.Google Scholar

70 Capra, “Il Settecento,” p. 378.

71 Ibid.

72 On this bank see Cova, Alberto, II Banco di Sant' Ambrogio nell' economia milanese dei secoli XVII e XVIII (Milan: Giuffrè, 1972).Google Scholar

73 Ibid., pp. 125–126.

74 White bread production was monopolized in the city of Milan by thirteen bakers who leased the bakeries from the civic authorities. In 1706 the city of Milan transferred the authority to lease the bakeries to the Banco di Sant' Ambrogio.

75 On the onoranze see Chabod, Federico “Stipendi nominali e busta paga effettiva del funzionari del amministrazione milanese all fine del cinquecento” in Miscellanea in onore di Roberto Cessi, II (Rome: Edizionidi storia e letteratura, 1958), 187–354.Google Scholar

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77 ASM, Tribunali civici, p. a., c. 136, letter 9 April 1767.

78 Archivio civico di Milano (hereafter ACM), Materie, c. 703, letter 31 July 1766.

79 ACM, Materie, c. 703, letter 25 August 1766.

80 ASM, Tribunali civici, p. a., c. 136, letter to Kaunitz 21 April 1767.

81 HHStA, Italien-spanischer Rat, Lombardei Korrespondenz, letter 31 July 1766.

82 ASM, Tribunali civici, p. a., c. 136, letter 9 April 1767.

83 Novati, F., Greppi, E., Giulini, A., and Seregni, G., eds., Carteggio di Pietro e Alessandro Verri I (Milan: Cogliati, 1910), 164.Google Scholar

84 Capra, “Il Settecento,” p. 418.

85 Capra, “Riforme finanziarie,” pp. 356–357.

86 For the plan see Vianello, Carlo Antonio, ed., Considerazioni sull' annona dello Stato di Milano nel XVlll secolo (Milan: Giuffrfè, 1940), pp. 135–155.Google Scholar

87 Capra, “II Settecento,” pp. 423–425.

88 Ibid., pp. 425–427. For a detailed description of the visit by contemporaries and from the emperor's diary see Valsecchi, Vassolutismo illuminato, II, appendix, 291–330.

89 Capra, “Riforme finanziarie,” pp. 338–340.

90 Verri, Considerazioni sul commercio, p. 174.

91 Capra, “Riforme finanzianie,”p. 346; Caizzi, Industria, commercio e banca, p. 160. Woolf, Stuart, A History of Italy 1700–1860. The Social Constraints of Political Change (London: Methuen, 1979), p. 101.Google Scholar

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93 Verri, Carfeggio, IV, 332.

94 For the text of the second edict see Mozzarelli, Per la storia delpubblico impiego, pp. 141–149.

95 Ibid., p. 22.

96 Verri, Carteggio, IV, 255.

97 The subsequent information on the officials is taken from Capra, “II Settecento,” pp. 440–441. See also Arese, Franco, “Le supreme cariche del Ducato di Milano e della Lombardia Austriaca 1706–1786,” Archivio storico lombardo, CV (1980), 30.Google Scholar

98 For more on these aspects of the bureaucracy see Mozzarelli, Per la storia del pubblico impiego, pp. 43–118.

99 Ibid., p. 24; Capra, “Il Settecento,” p. 439.

100 For details on the changes in the Senate see Petronio, Il Senato di Milano, pp. 383–392.

101 Capra, “II Settecento,” p. 417; Grab, “The Politics of Subsistence,” pp. 190–191.

102 Capra, “Il Settecento,” pp. 441–442; for more on this body see Mozzarelli, Cesare, Il Magistrato Camerale (1771–1786) (Milan: Banca Commerciale Italiana, 1979).Google Scholar

103 Capra, “Il Settecento,” p. 438.

104 Petronio, Il Senato di Milano, pp. 411–414.

105 Ibid., pp. 397,414 f.

106 Ibid., p. 413.

107 ASM, Dispacci reali, p. a., c. 246. For more on this reform see Grab, Alexander, “Le riforme dei Tribunali civici milanesi dal 1771 al 1786,” Archivio storico lombardo, CIII (1977), 196–232.Google Scholar

108 ASM, Tribunali civici, p. a., c. 135, letter by Kaunitz to Firmian 20 January 1772. Later, Trotti's title was changed and in his new dignity took precedence over the Vicario di Provvisione.

109 On Joseph II's rule see Mitrofanov, Paul von, Joseph Il.: Seine politische und kulturelle Tätigkeit (Vienna: C.W. Stern, 1910);Google ScholarPadover, Saul, The Revolutionary Emperor—Joseph II of Austria (New York: R.O. Ballou, 1934);Google ScholarBernard, Paul, Joseph Il (New York: Twayne Publishers, Inc., 1968);Google ScholarBlanning, T.C.W., Joseph II and Enlightened Despotism (New York: Harper and Row, 1970).Google Scholar On his rule in Belgium see Davis, Walter, Joseph II—An Imperial Reformer for the Austrian Netherlands (The Hague: 1974).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

110 Wright, William, Serf, Seigneur and Sovereign. Agrarian Reform in Eighteenth-Century Bohemia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1966), pp. 44–45.Google Scholar

111 Ibid., pp. 48–49.

112 An Italian translation of that document is located in Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, segn. H. 113. See also Bernard, Joseph ll, p. 89;Padover, The Revolutionary Emperor, p. 128.

113 Mozzarelli, Cesare, “‘Pubblico Bene’ e stato alia fine dell' ancien regime. Efficienza amministrativa e modello di sviluppo nella esperienza giuseppina,” Jus, XXII (1975), 27–28.Google Scholar

114 Capra, “Il Settecento,” p. 511.

115 Ibid.

116 Ibid., pp. 512–513.

117 Ibid. p. 514.

118 HHStA, Lombardei Collectanea, Fasz. 17.

119 On this reform see Valsecchi, L'assolutismo illuminato, II, 210–214; Capra, “Il Settecento,” pp. 516–518; Visconti, Lapubblica amministrazione, pp. 66–70; Mozzarelli, ‘“Pubblico bene’ e stato,” pp. 20–35.

120 ACM, Dicasteri, c. 124. Cited also in Ettore Verga, I decurionati nelle città provinciali dell' antico stato di Milano. Memorie presentate alla Commissione araldica (No date or place of publication), p. 25.

121 A copy of the edict is located in the Biblioteca Communale Sormani in Milan, Atti di Govemo 1781–1787.

122 For more information on this reform and its impact on the city of Milan see Grab, “Le riforme dei Tribunali civici,” pp. 316–327.

123 For the location of this edict see footnote 121.

124 Capra, “Il Settecento,” pp. 517–518.

125 Ibid., p. 524.

126 Valsecchi, L'assolutismo illuminato, II, 210.

127 Capra, “Il Settecento,” p. 516.

128 In his article, “Patrizi, nobili e ricchi borghesi del Dipartimento d'Olona secondo il fisco della I Repubblica Cisalpina 1797–1799,” Archivio storico lombardo, CII (1975) 95–161,Google Scholar Franco Arese showed the vast economic resources that remained in the patricians' hands after the reform period. Analysing a list of tax payers prepared by the French after they occupied Lombardy, Arese shows that out of 286 tax payers who declared an annual income of 10,000–300,000 lire, 156 were patricians with 61.4 per cent of the revenue, in comparison with only sixty-eight non-nobles who declared a mere 14.3 percent of the total sum. The gap between the patricians and non-nobles was even wider in the income range of 45–300,000 lire: thirty patricians, with a total declared revenue of 2,762,000 lire compared with only four non-nobles with a total annual income of 235,000 lire.

129 On the opposition of the Milanese patricians to Joseph II's reforms see Cuccia, S., La Lombardia alla fine dell' Ancien Regime (Florence: La nuova Italia, 1971), pp. 9–13.Google Scholar

130 For more on the gains of the patricians and elites of other cities see ibid., pp. 30–39.