Tables

Matthew Baerman; Dunstan Brown; Greville G. Corbett

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Tables

1.1 Aymara noun paradigms
1.2 Polish noun paradigms (singular forms)
1.3 Simplicity vs. complexity
2.1 Vowel-initial possessed nouns in Bororo
2.2 Somali suffix and prefix classes, past simple forms
2.3 Possessor marking by suffix in Dano
2.4 Other possessor marking types in Dano
2.5 Case-number inflection of possessed nouns in Dano
2.6 Acazulco Otomí
2.7 Tilapa Otomí
2.8 German n-stem nouns
2.9 Synopsis of the Wintu verbal paradigm
2.10 Wintu theme vowels as inflection classes
2.11 Varieties of present ~ aorist stem alternation strategies in Georgian
2.12 Macro-classes of the Georgian stem alternations in Table 2.11
2.13 Estonian strengthening stem alternation
2.14 Estonian weakening stem alternation
2.15 Estonian stem classes
2.16 Portuguese stem alternations
2.17 Romance stem patterns (partial)
2.18 Gulmancema tonal patterns
2.19 Rarámuri stress patterns
2.20 Ayutla Mixe verb classes
2.21 Key to alternation patterns in Table 2.20
2.22 Inflectional classes II and V in Russian
2.23 Polish ‘museum’
2.24 Three classes of clitic formative in Tilapa Otomí
2.25 Distribution of inflection classes by transitivity in Tilapa Otomí
2.26 Object-marking classes in Selepet
2.27 Object verbs in Selepet
3.1 Bauzi case inflection
3.2 Number marking in Nuuhchahnulth nouns
3.3 Number marking in Lavukaleve nouns
3.4 Number marking in !Xoon nouns
3.5 Number marking in Arabela nouns
3.6 ‘Marked singular’ and ‘marked plural’ in Murle
3.7 Plural allomorphy in nouns and verbs (singular event forms) in Seri
3.8 Allomorphy of event plurality marking in Seri
3.9 Subject person marking in Jamul Tiipay
3.10 Possessor person marking in Karajá
3.11 Possessor person marking on kinterms in Kobon
3.12 Possessor person marking in Golin
3.13 Aspect-mood prefixation Zenzontepec Chatino
3.14 Tonal marking of aspect-mood in Zenzontepec Chatino
4.1 Arbitrarily assigned inflection classes in Nez Perce
4.2 Phonologically assigned inflection classes in Sobei
4.3 Aspect and inflection class in Russian
4.4 Plural suffixation in Nuer
4.5 Inflection classes of nouns in Mali
4.6 Inflection classes of nouns in Diyari
4.7 Eegima singular~plural noun patterns
4.8 Inflection class – gender mapping in Eegima
4.9 Fragment of the Rotokas subject-marking paradigm, habitual present forms
4.10 Inflection class distinctions in inanimate nouns in Latvian
4.11 Inflection class and sex distinctions in human referent nouns in Latvian
4.12 Short form (indefinite) adjective ‘big’ in Latvian
4.13 Partial paradigm of ‘normal’ and deponent transitive verbs in Latin
4.14 The major inflection classes of Latin verbs, active forms
4.15 The major inflection classes of Latin verbs, passive forms
4.16 Animate versus inanimate verbs in Lealao Chinantec
4.17 The three major inflection classes of Lealao Chinantec verbs
4.18 Inflection class selection correlated with tone in Lealao Chinantec
4.19 Santa Ana Keres verbal prefixes
4.20 Inflection classes of verbs in Takelma
4.21 Chipaya declarative subject agreement enclitic
4.22 Tucano ‘do’
4.23 Krongo ‘saw’
4.24 Archi ‘be.prs’
4.25 Orejón present-future suffixes
4.26 Orejón past suffixes
4.27 Tucano nominal forms
4.28 Tucano present progressive paradigm (gerundive + auxiliary) ‘is washing’
4.29 Carapana non-past conjectural ‘work’
5.1 Verbal forms in Burmeso
5.2 Sample nouns in Russian
5.3 The animacy condition in Russian
5.4 Theoretically possible condition types
5.5 Diyari pirta ‘stick, tree’ and wirrawartanhi ‘Farina’
5.6 Consonant alternations in Polish
5.7 Morphology of Basque proper names
5.8 Agreeing lexical items in the Archi dictionary
5.9 An agreeing adverb in Archi: k’ellej<t’>u ‘entirely’
5.10 The Archi adjective haʁdu-t ‘real, reliable’
5.11 Partial paradigm of a regular Latin verb (amāre ‘love’)
5.12 Part of the paradigm of a deponent Latin verb (mīror ‘admire’)
5.13 The Archi verb acu ‘milk’ (prefixal agreement)
5.14 The Archi verb caχu ‘throw’ (infixal agreement)
5.15 The Archi verb akɬu ‘put through’ (mixed prefixal and infixal agreement)
5.16 Verb forms of Võro with stems ending in a short vowel
5.17 Czech jehně ‘lamb’
5.18 Conditions on the instrumental plural in Slovak
5.19 The Serbo-Croat augment
5.20 The rise of the long plural in monosyllabic nouns
6.1 Canonical inflection classes in Czech verbs
6.2 Cross-classifying affixes in Seri
6.3 Grid system
6.4 Hierarchical system
6.5 Cross-classifying system
6.6 Maximal hierarchical system
6.7 Maximal cross-classifying system
6.8 Subject prefix classes in Santa Ana Keres
6.9 Constituent grid systems within the subject prefix classes of Santa Ana Keres
6.10 Constituent hierarchical system within the subject prefix classes of Santa Ana Keres
6.11 Constituent cross-classifying system within the subject prefix classes of Santa Ana Keres
6.12 Nouns of inflection classes I and II in Latvian
6.13 The three classes in Table 6.12, broken down into two sets of hierarchical classes
6.14 Distributional classes in a grid system
6.15 Distributional classes in a hierarchical system
6.16 Distributional classes in a cross-classifying system
6.17 Distributional classes in a maximal cross-classifying system
6.18 Distributional classes: basic systems compared
6.19 Distributional classes: expanded hierarchical system
6.20 Distributional classes: hierarchical and grid systems combined
6.21 Eastern Armenian inanimate ~ animate contrast
6.22 Ingush nouns
6.23 Otomí varieties compared
6.24 Hypothetical intermediate system between Tilapa and Acazulco Otomí
6.25 Distributional classes in Seri; third person dependent realis forms
6.26 Summary of plural suffix patterns in Table 6.25
6.27 Gulmancema allomorphic-cum-distributional classes
6.28 Gulmancema dedicated imperfective suffix
6.29 Prefix and suffix allomorphy in Ayoreo
6.30 Different prefixes with same suffixes in Ayoreo
6.31 Different suffixes with same prefixes in Ayoreo
6.32 Estonian strengthening stem alternation; repeated from Table 2.13
6.33 Estonian weakening stem alternation; repeated from Table 2.14
6.34 Estonian suffix class opposition
6.35 Paradigm of ‘search’
6.36 Examples of class A verbs in Tlatepuzco Chinantec
6.37 Examples of class B verbs in Tlatepuzco Chinantec
6.38 Examples of class C verbs in Tlatepuzco Chinantec
6.39.Simple stem alternations
6.40 Compound stem alternations
6.41 Distribution of lexemes in Merrifield & Anderson (Reference Merrifield and Anderson2007)
6.42 Orthogonal systems in a class C verb
6.43 Orthogonal systems in a class B verb
7.1 Grid system
7.2 Cross-classifying (minimal)
7.3 Cross-classifying (maximal)
7.4 The elements of Table 7.3 fleshed out exhaustively
7.5 Hierarchical system
7.6 Hierarchical system (maximal)
7.7 Organization in the abstract types
7.8 Interim summary: organization
7.9 Interim summary: organization and emergent complexity
7.10 Dynamic Principal Parts
7.11 Measures for the abstract types
7.12 Summary: organization, emergent complexity, and central-system complexity
7.13 Representative Tlatepuzco Chinantec verb paradigms
7.14 Tlatepuzco’s position
7.15 Competing analytic choices
7.16 Tlatepuzco Chinantec ‘covet’
7.17 Tlatepuzco Chinantec ‘receive’
7.18 Tlatepuzco Chinantec ‘defecate’
7.19 Tlatepuzco Chinantec ‘disappear’
7.20 Hierarchical structure for inflectional series 5
7.21 Tlatepuzco Chinantec ‘fall out’
7.22 Tlatepuzco Chinantec ‘covet’
7.23 Tlatepuzco Chinantec ‘stammer’
7.24 Hierarchical structure for inflectional series D
7.25 The feature-value combination that is the most predictive
7.26 The predictive tones for Ɂien¹² ‘receive’
7.27 Inflectional series for first-person singular predicted by tone 12 in the first-person singular
7.28 Inflectional series for first-person plural predicted by tone 13 in the first-person plural
7.29 Inflectional series for second person predicted by tone 1 in the second-person completive
7.30 Inflectional series for third person predicted by tone 1 in the third-person future
7.31 Series 1 hierarchical structure facilitates inference
7.32 Default assignment of class for Ɂien¹² in the absence of observed tones
7.33 First-person singular present
7.34 First-person plural future
7.35 Second-person completive
7.36 Combination sufficient to predict the whole paradigm
7.37 Assignment of class for Ɂien¹² using four values
7.38 Proportion of the Tlatepuzco lexicon accounted for by a combination of default assignment and implicative relations associated with inflectional class
7.39 Performance of four cells in predicting the rest of the paradigm

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