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A US stance in favor of democracy helps get the Congress, the bureaucracy, the media, the public, and elite opinion to back US policy. It helps ameliorate the domestic debate, disarms critics (who could be against democracy?), provides a basis for reconciliation between “realists” and “idealists”… The democracy agenda enables us, additionally, to merge and fudge over some issues that would otherwise be troublesome. It helps bridge the gap between our fundamental geopolitical and strategic interests… and our need to clothe those security concerns in moralistic language… The democracy agenda, in short, is a kind of legitimacy cover for our more basic strategic objectives.
Howard Wiarda
Support for democracy… is becoming the new organizing principle for American foreign-policy.
State Department policy document, 1987
The policy shift from promoting authoritarianism to promoting polyarchy was a lengthy process drawn out over several decades, and reflected in the mainstream social sciences in debates over modernization, economic development, political development, democracy, and so on. It involved the gradual emergence of a working consensus in the foreign-policy establishment in support of the new political intervention. As well, it involved the development of new modalities, instruments, and agencies for actually accomplishing the transition, in intervened countries in the Third World, from authoritarianism to polyarchy. This reorientation entailed, in particular, the expansion of what is known as political operations in US foreign policy.
Most people in the world put up with very great inequalities, but when these inequalities appear to be increasing without prospect of being reversed and when they mean famine, epidemic, and certain death for millions of people, they cease to be merely aesthetic problems and acquire the status of political crises.
Richard Barnet and Ronald Muller
The world of humankind constitutes a manifold, a totality of interconnected processes, and inquiries that disassemble this totality into bits and then fail to reassemble it falsify reality. Concepts like “nation,” “society,” and “culture” name bits and threaten to turn names into things. Only by understanding these names as bundles of relationships, and by placing them back into the field from which they were abstracted, can we hope to avoid misleading inferences and increase our share of understanding.
Eric Wolf
The present study, as stated in the introduction, has a dual purpose. The first was to analyze and explain the promotion of polyarchy in US foreign policy. The second, more open-ended, was to explore political and social dimensions of globalization. This concluding chapter is divided into two parts. In the first part, I recapitulate my main thesis, take a brief look at “democracy promotion” programs in the former Soviet bloc and South Africa and US activities world wide so as to strengthen generalizing conclusions, and summarize in comparative perspective the case studies.
Mr. Minister, you come here speaking of Latin America, but this is not important. Nothing important can come from the South. History has never been produced in the South. The axis of history starts in Moscow, goes to Bonn, crosses over to Washington, and then goes to Tokyo. What happens in the South is of no importance. You're wasting your time.
Henry Kissinger, speaking to Chilean Foreign Minister Gabriel Valdes, June 1969
From dictatorship to “redemocratization” and the US role
“I don't see why we need to stand by and watch a country go communist because of the irresponsibility of its own people,” declared National Security Advisor Henry Kissinger in June 1970. Kissinger was referring to the election that year of Salvador Allende as president of Chile. For Kissinger, the election of a self-declared socialist “represented a break with Chile's long democratic history,” the result of “a fluke of the Chilean political system.” What followed was one of the darkest chapters in inter-American relations: a massive US destabilization campaign against the Allende government, culminating in the bloody 1973 military coup. For fifteen years, successive US administrations propped up the dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet. Then, in the mid-1980s, on the heels of the “success” in the Philippines, policymakers switched tracks and began to “promote democracy” in Chile.
The coup in Chile was part of a general pattern in Latin America of military takeovers in the 1960s and 1970s, in the face of mass struggles against ubiquitous social and economic inequalities and highly restricted “democracies.”
The experience of Liberia and Haiti shows that the African race are [sic] devoid of any capacity for political organization and lack genius for government. Unquestionably there is in them an inherent tendency to revert to savagery and to cast aside the shackles of civilization which are irksome to their physical nature. Of course there are many exceptions to this racial weakness, but it is true of the mass, as we know from experience in this country. It is that which makes the negro problem practically insolvable.
US Secretary of State Robert Lansing, 1918
Cité Soleil (Sun City) is a name filled with bitter sarcasm. It refers to the vast shantytown slum just north of Port-au-Prince. Poverty here reaches absolute bottom, below which can only be death: Barefoot children play on banks of muddy streams of raw sewerage or amidst toxic waste spills. A crippled man hasn't been able to get enough to eat for two days. A mother can't treat her baby's serious injury because of the cost of medical care. Despite these conditions, the most striking thing about Cité Soleil is not its desperate poverty. Rather it is the hope that is surging here with the growth of the Lavalas mass movement and the election of radical priest Jean-Bertrand Aristide.
Preventive diplomacy and preemptive reform can reduce the risks of extremist political infection and radical contamination. When confronted with such situations, the United States must define its interests early on and then develop strategies in cooperation with regional friends that will promote the likelihood of peaceful change and successor governments compatible with our own.
Henry Kissinger and Cyrus Vance
Washington believes that Nicaragua must serve as a warning to the rest of Central America to never again challenge US hegemony, because of the enormous economic and political costs. It's too bad that the [Nicaraguan] poor must suffer, but historically the poor have always suffered. Nicaragua must be a lesson to others.
Richard John Neuhaus
Preventative diplomacy and preemptive reform
In May 1989, on the eve of the opening of the Nicaraguan electoral process, one of President Bush's national security advisors observed: “Since Manila, the United States has gotten into this; we have been brandishing this new tool of giving support to electoral processes. The Plebiscite in Chile was analogous, where we saw we could shake an entrenched regime by [getting involved in] elections… We are learning these techniques, and they should be applied to Nicaragua.”
In the Philippines and Chile, the United States applied “preventive diplomacy and preemptive reform” as part of shifts in policy to “democracy promotion.” The shift and the concomitant introduction of new forms of political intervention came precisely when society-wide anti-dictatorial movements were reaching a critical mass under the leadership of popular forces.
I walked the floor of the White House night after night until midnight; and I am not ashamed to tell you, gentlemen, that I went down on my knees and prayed Almighty God for light and guidance more than one night. And one night late it came to me this way – I don't know how it was, but it came: (1) that we could not give them back to Spain – that would be cowardly and dishonorable; (2) that we could not turn them over to France and Germany – our commercial rivals in the Orient – that would be bad business and discreditable; (3) that we could not leave them to themselves – they were unfit for self-government – and they would soon have anarchy and misrule over there worse than Spain's was; and (4) that there was nothing left for us to do but to take them all, and to educate the Filipinos, and uplift and civilize and Christianize them, and by God's grace, do the very best we could by them, as our fellow-men for whom Christ also died.
William McKinley, President of the United States, 1899
From a colony to a dependent nation in the periphery of the world system
It was with great irony that Ronald Reagan, after making his famed June 1982 speech before the British parliament at Westminster on a “worldwide campaign for democracy,” traveled on to the Philippine capital of Manila, where he announced in a public homage to the dictator, Ferdinand Marcos, that “the Philippines has been molded in the image of American democracy.”
In any society the dominant groups are the ones with the most to hide about the way society works. Very often therefore truthful analyses are bound to have a critical ring, to seem like exposures rather than objective statements… For all students of human society sympathy with the victims of historical processes and skepticism about the victors' claims provide essential safeguards against being taken in by the dominant mythology. A scholar who tries to be objective needs these feelings as part of his working equipment.
Barrington Moore
“We have 50 percent of the world's wealth, but only 6.3 percent of its population… In this situation we cannot fail to be the object of envy and resentment,” noted George Kennan in 1948. “Our real task in the coming period is to devise a pattern of relationships which will allow us to maintain this position of disparity,” said the then Director of Policy Planning of the Department of State. “We should cease to talk about the raising of the living standards, human rights, and democratization. The day is not far off when we are going to have to deal in straight power concepts. The less we are then hampered by idealistic slogans, the better.”
Kennan's candid statement emphasizes that the strategic objective of US foreign policy during the Cold War was less battling a “communist menace” than defending the tremendous privilege and power this global disparity of wealth brought it as the dominant world power, and suggests that democracy abroad was not a major consideration for the United States in the formative years of the post-World War II order.
In all societies… two classes of people appear – a class that rules and a class that is ruled… The first class, always the less numerous, performs all political functions, monopolizes power and enjoys the advantages that power brings, whereas the second, the more numerous class, is directed and controlled by the first, in a manner that is now more or less legal, now more or less arbitrary and violent.
Gaetano Mosca
There has been an explosion of human interaction and correlatively a tremendous increase of social pressure. The social texture of human life has become more complex and its management more difficult. Dispersion, fragmentation, and simple ranking have been replaced by concentration, interdependence, and a complex texture… Because of the basic importance of the contemporary complex social texture, its management has a crucial importance, which raises the problem of social control over the individual… Because they (citizens) press for more action to meet the problems they have to face, they require more social control. At the same time they resist any kind of social control that is associated with the hierarchical values they have learned to discard and reject. The problem may be worldwide.
The Crisis of Democracy (1975 Trilateral Commission Report)
How are we to understand our world? Our everyday experiences are played out in milieus. These milieus are linked to institutions that organize our lives and bind us to a great many people. Varied and encompassing combinations of institutions and their interrelations form social structures.
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