The invasion of Mesoamerica – set off by the arrival of Cortés and his followers – was neither peaceful nor simple. These events played out in three phases between February 10, 1519 when the expedition left Cuba and August 13, 1521 when the Mexica tlatoani, Cuauhtemoc, was captured. During the first phase, Moteuczoma and Spaniards sought to learn about each other. Each used diplomacy, Moteuczoma to repel the Spanish, Cortés to gain indigenous allies, to affect events. The second phase of the Spanish-Mexica war began with the Spanish arrival in Tenochtitlan and their imprisonment of Moteuczoma shortly thereafter. That phase ended with Spaniards forced to retreat after their disastrous assault on the Templo Mayor and slaughter of many Mexica leaders. Re-equipping and solidifying his alliances, Cortés and his fighters succeeded in defeating the Mexica in mid-August, 1521. Many kinds of transformations would follow including extensive depopulation and the introduction of new technologies and religious beliefs. Adjustments by Nahuas followed in social and legal affairs as well as in forms of identity. The idea of “Aztec” has tenaciously survived. It exists in contemporary Nahua communities, as an element of national history and culture in Mexico, and as a transnational idea.

Chapter 1 introduces the fundamental tenets of perspectivism, its main characteristics and principles and the problems and challenges it poses for archaeology. A brief account of the genesis of perspectivism as a theory is provided, drawing principally on Viveiros de Castro’s writings and comparing it to other ontologies, particularly animism. The key perspectivist characteristics shared by many Amerindian populations are detailed. These include the quality internal to many entities of possessing a human soul, the importance of the body as the distinctive mark of subjects, seeing the world from a human point of view and predation as the model for human relationships. These fundamental cosmological premises derive from a set of underlying metaphysical principles with consequences for social practices, all of which are relevant for thinking about the archaeological record.

A single-state budget directs billions of taxpayer dollars to carry out various political and policy goals. Governors as chief executives have the fiscal responsibility to construct budgets, the political desire to create public policy, and the institutional means to achieve these goals. They seek out opportunities to make substantial changes in public policy provided to them by interest groups. Different interest group environments across policy issues thereby motivate gubernatorial intervention with distinct short- and long-term rewards. Nearly three decades of data from all American states substantiates these claims and shows real consequences: Policy issues and their corresponding budgets that experience short-term shocks grow more slowly over time. American governors change the fiscal landscape of a state when they are motivated to intervene in a policy domain and are enticed by interest groups to use their institutional powers.

Chapter 7 takes up themes developed throughout the book and summarizes how focusing on the logic of perspectivism, an Amerindian ontology, enables the archaeological record to be read differently. Perspectivism, or any other ontology taken seriously as a theory, can challenge our conceptions of objects, things and human agency. Finally, having argued that the principal challenge presented by Perspectivism in Archaeology is to find ways to understand and think about particular archaeological records in the light of a local ontology, the chapter explores how perspectivism as theory can ultimately be seen as an experiment in decolonizing archaeological thinking and situating its practices.

Here, we elucidate the motives of policymaking through the lens of budget politics in the states. This chapter describes the priorities of state spending and how these spending patterns across ten budget domains evolve in all fifty states between 1984 and 2010. This chapter connects these patterns to the distribution of costs and benefits: Different policy areas offer distinct short- and long-term rewards. Importantly, we show that domains that see large short-term gains tend to find diminished budgetary growth over time. Hence, political actors need to trade off short-term and long-term rewards. Our findings make apparent that the dynamics of policy issues motivate political action.

American governors have specific means – veto and agenda-setting powers – for shaping public budgets. Governors face competing managerial and political pressures when constructing a budget: forces of legislatures, agencies, and parties that demand changes in individual categories contending with the need to deliver the budget as a whole. In addition to managing these competing interests, governors also have their own preferences they wish to express in the budget. This chapter shows how the institutional strength of governors affects their ability to reign in competing demands. Our quantitative analysis shows that governors with stronger powers can make large cuts and raises in budgets even larger: a finding we term “bottoming-out” and “topping-off.” This mechanism has significant consequences for the budget as a whole: Disruptions in spending lead to slower long-term budget growth overall. Hence, executive power leads to less stable policymaking, particularly in instable interest group environments.

Chapter 3 describes perspectivism’s world of objects and its concept of materiality, including the material implications of its notion of reality and the practices in which the material plays a key role. Assumptions about materiality in archaeology are revised by taking the conception of matter in perspectivism and putting it in dialogue with theories of matter in material culture studies. The critical question of material agency in perspectivism, including the possibility of object agency, is taken up. Objects and materiality, under certain circumstances and in specific relational contexts in perspectivism, affect humans and non-humans through a capacity that belongs to them. Two other agencies concerning objects can be identified: the first, proper to objects as things, is their capacity as intermediaries between humans and non-humans; the second is the agency of things as non-human objects rather than as inert things. Lacking a native concept of materiality proper to a case of study in the southern Andes, perspectivism provides a stand-in; its concept of objects as possessing their qualities, and instances in which they are in active relations with humans and other non-humans, enables the analysis of the ontological status of objects in the past.

Perspectivism as an anthropological theory on a par with academic theories is the subject of Chapter 2. The implications for archaeologyn are developed through a type of ‘thought experiment’, conceived as the thoughtful access to the experience of others. This thought experiment starts from a different way of encountering things: objects, after all, may be subjects, according to perspectivism. The consequences of such an experiment for understanding and interpreting the archaeological record are played through.

The chapter provides an overview of the manifestation of perspectivism in areas beyond the Amazon and archaeological cases from various times and places of the world, which exemplify how research has used perspectivism – from understanding it as a native ontology to using only some of its principles to understand the archaeological record or applying it as an anthropological theory to interpret the past from a locally situated approach. Two methodological issues become apparent in the chapter, how to translate other ontologies into our terms and how such a thought experiment can be put into practice when interpreting the archaeological record, whether perspectivist, animist, totemic or other.