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This chapter sets up our main research question, which is what effect, if any, did the arrival and proliferation of Fox News have on US politicians? It summarizes the history of Fox News and describes the natural experiment created by the haphazard rollout of Fox News. It goes on to summarize the scholarly literature on media effects and, specifically, how little of it focuses on the behavior of politicians. In turn, it summarizes the scholarly literature on members of Congress and how little of it focuses on the media. It then explains our open science approach.
This chapter highlights the role media play in political accountability. If Fox News’ entry and presence can shape candidate and member perceptions about what districts want (as we saw in Chapters 3 and 4), can Fox News also shape how responsive representatives are to constituents’ policy preferences? This responsiveness to the district – also known as dyadic representation – is the subject of our examinations in Chapter 5. To test this question, we quantify the degree to which representatives’ voting behavior diverges from what it should be (if they were faithfully following district public opinion). Here we find, once again, that Fox News increases the tendency for Democratic members in marginal districts to “move rightward” in response to rising Fox News availability in the district. In this analysis, our measures reflect the tendency for Democrats in right leaning districts to err on the conservative side of the median voter in their district, and that tendency gets worse as district-level availability of Fox News increases.
Thousands of civil society organizations (CSOs) attend the Conferences of the Parties (COPs) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) every year. Through their advocacy work, CSOs define and redefine what “climate change” is really about. The Element focuses on climate advocacy for women and Indigenous peoples (IPs), two prominent climate justice frames at the UNFCCC. Which CSOs advocate for women and IPs? How and why do CSOs adopt gender and Indigenous framing? Bridging the literature on framing strategy and organizational ecology, it presents two mechanisms by which CSOs adopt climate justice frames: self-representation and surrogate-representation. The Element demonstrates that, while gender advocacy is developed primarily by women's CSOs, IPs advocacy is developed by a variety of CSOs beyond IPs organizations. It suggests that these different patterns of frame development may have long-term consequences for how we think about climate change in relation to gender and IPs.
The influence of partisan news is presumed to be powerful, but evidence for its effects on political elites is limited, often based more on anecdotes than science. Using a rigorous quasi-experimental research design, observational data, and open science practices, this book carefully demonstrates how the re-emergence and rise of partisan cable news in the US affected the behavior of political elites during the rise and proliferation of Fox News across media markets between 1996 and 2010. Despite widespread concerns over the ills of partisan news, evidence provides a nuanced, albeit cautionary tale. On one hand, findings suggest that the rise of Fox indeed changed elite political behavior in recent decades. At the same time, the limited conditions under which Fox News' influence occurred suggests that concerns about the network's power may be overstated.
In We Choose You, Julian J. Wamble investigates the sophisticated process of Black voter candidate selection. Contrary to the common assumption that Black voters will support Black politicians, Wamble explores what considerations, outside of race, partisanship, and gender, Black voters use to choose certain representatives over others. The book complicates our view of candidate selection, expands our understanding of identity's role in the representative-constituent paradigm, and provides a framework through which scholars can determine a candidates preferability for other identity groups. Wamble uses original experimental tests on Black respondents to prove that Black voters prefer a politician, regardless of race, who shows a commitment to prioritizing the racial group's interest through personal sacrifice. Novel and timely, this book makes an important contribution to our understanding of Black political behavior and will only gain salience as the significance of the Black vote increases in upcoming elections.
Appreciating that films can influence audiences’ political imaginations and expectations, this chapter looks at first lady characters in feature length presidential movies released during the Clinton, Bush, and Obama administrations. Hillary Clinton, Laura Bush, and Michelle Obama were all politically active, setting new standards as presidential advisors, campaign fundraisers, and policy advocates. Presidential movies partially reflected this change, though historic gender constraints on women characters endured. These movies set an affirming wife-husband relationship as a prerequisite for first ladies to exercise political influence. Still, the films presented those relationships as alliances between politically knowledgeable and engaged individuals. That depiction was not extended to first ladies’ interactions with other decision-makers, which were rare and seldom successful. As a result, while presidential movies present their audiences with politically knowledgeable first ladies, these films do not yet encourage ticket holders to recognize these women as actually exercising political influence.
This chapter uses the lens of feminine rhetorical style to examine how gendered expectations affect first ladies’ public speeches and how their rhetorical styles evolved over time. Selected speeches of first ladies from Eleanor Roosevelt to Melania Trump are analyzed and five recurring themes are reviewed. These include the discussion of feminine topics such as family and childcare and envisioning women’s role in society, addressing masculine issues such as war and politics through feminine rhetoric, connecting with audiences as peers, use of personal narratives, and use of expert sources and statistics. The chapter concludes that first ladies’ addresses are usually delivered within the bounds of stereotypical gendered expectations, though subtle deviations can be found depending on the first lady’s public image, her professional experience, and the popular opinion of the times. The analysis of first ladies’ rhetorical styles helps us better understand their evolving role in US politics.
During wartime, the Constitution requires the president to lead the nation as commander-in-chief. But what about first ladies? As wives, mothers, and co-equal partners, these “first ladies-in-chief” have found themselves serving as field companion to the commander-in-chief, mother-in-chief to sons on combat duty, steward of national resources, and caretakers to the nation’s wounded. This chapter considers six prominent first ladies during major American conflicts: Martha Washington and the Revolutionary War, Dolley Madison and the War of 1812, Mary Todd Lincoln and the Civil War, Edith Wilson and World War I, Eleanor Roosevelt and World War II, Lady Bird Johnson and Vietnam, and Barbara and Laura Bush during the first and second Gulf Wars. Taken together, they paint the first lady as a vital contributor to the nation’s military efforts who deserve our recognition and respect.
The first ladies of the United States are often not thought about as activists. But in fact, many used their political position strategically to advocate for important reforms that benefited minorities and other underrepresented groups. Their activism from the White House helped social and political causes in different eras. Their unsung work contributed to their administration’s public profile and legacy. It also aided larger social justice campaigns going on throughout US history. This chapter explores the frequently unsung efforts of US first ladies in the realm of social advocacy to shed greater light on the significant work done by these women. It challenges the notion that first ladies were simply ornaments or companions for their husbands and highlights the actions that they took to create change.
The role of international diplomat developed for first ladies post–World War II. Although Edith Wilson and Eleanor Roosevelt set precedents, Jacqueline Kennedy solidified protocols for diplomatic behavior during the Cold War. First ladies use soft diplomacy as a counterbalance to military policy to advance civil society and democracy. This chapter examines travel as state diplomacy, skill in interpersonal relationship building, fashion and cultural diplomacy, and issue-based negotiation. Analysis includes Pat Nixon’s humanitarian travel and support of détente with China, Rosalynn Carter as surrogate president in Latin America and encourager of Middle East peace, Nancy Reagan as promoter of US–Soviet relations to end the Cold War, Hillary Clinton as a champion of women’s rights as human rights, Laura Bush’s support for Afghan women and girls, and Michelle Obama’s international efforts to promote girls’ education. These exemplary women indicate the power of first ladies to advance progress in education, health, foreign policy, and human rights.
Martha Washington set countless precedents as first lady—including the use of enslaved labor in the Washingtons’ presidential household. One-third of America’s first ladies were born or married into slave–owning families, making it an important but often overlooked part of their identities and actions in the White House and beyond. The relationship between first ladies and race goes far beyond the subject of slavery. Throughout history, these women have used their platform to bring attention to issues affecting Americans, champion causes, and encourage the president to act. As unelected participants in an administration, first ladies have sometimes been able to pursue civil rights with more freedom and flexibility than their spouses, speaking out against lynching, segregation, and other concerns facing the Black community. This chapter will explore the complex role of first ladies in the fight for equal rights using case studies from the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.
Electronic media use by first ladies dates to the 1930s when Lou Hoover delivered her first radio address. The development of radio and television—and later social media—placed a greater emphasis on image and personality, giving first ladies the opportunity to be heard as well as seen, and in some cases offering them more control over their messaging. This chapter looks at several notable examples of how first ladies strategically used—and in some cases misused—electronic media to shape their public image, support their husband’s programs, and advocate for their own causes.