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The Phrygians crossed the straits into Anatolia from Macedonia and Thrace. In Greek times, the Phrygians' most north-westerly settlement, was Keramon Agora, where a branch of the Royal Road left Lydia to strike northwards. Phrygian architecture was well developed. Vitruvius describes their houses as built of wooden logs laid in a trench excavated in a mound and then covered with reeds, brushwood and earth. Phrygians had reached considerable mastery in several crafts, whether as bronze-workers accomplished in both casting and raising, or as expert cabinetmakers and weavers, as workers in ivory, as makers of woollen felt or as weavers of linen, hemp, mohair, and perhaps also tapestry. Survivals of the Phrygian language linger into Roman times, occurring in bilingual form with Greek translations on tombstone inscriptions. The Phrygians' religion clearly consisted of at least two strata: primitive Anatolian and Indo-European. In the Early Iron Age, the mineral deposits of Anatolia had already been famous for one thousand years.
For nearly two centuries, after 1400 BC, the Mycenaean civilization was free to develop and enjoy a remarkable prosperity, founded in part on the heritage of Minoan culture which it had already absorbed. A generation after Thebes had withstood a long siege, the attack of the Epigoni was successful, and Thebes was destroyed. The sack of Thebes may then be regarded as one of the certain events of Mycenaean history; and the elimination of this rival has an obvious bearing on the development of the Mycenaean power in the Peloponnese. The acquisition by descendants of Pelopids of the kingdom of Mycenae itself, and so of the supremacy of Greece, is represented as subsequent to and to some extent consequent upon the death of Heracles and of his rival Eurystheus. The Queen's megaron at Pylus has a secluded sitting, but this should not be taken to imply an oriental segregation of women in Mycenaean society.
Since the inscriptions of Ramesses III repeatedly speak of using captives as troops in his own army and since some of the Sea Peoples (especially the Sherden) had been used as mercenaries or as slave troops during the reign of Ramesses II, many scholars now agree that the Philistines were first settled in Palestine as garrison troops. Between the late thirteenth and the end of the twelfth century BC, the territory occupied by the Canaanites was vastly reduced due to occupation by Israelites, the sea peoples, and the Aramaeans. However, there were compensations for these losses. The coast of Phoenicia proper was ideally prepared by nature to become the home of a maritime people. The Hittites had established several vassal states in northern Syria during the initial period of their occupation in the fourteenth century BC. At least two of them, Carchemish and Aleppo, were ruled by princes of the imperial Hittite dynasty.
This chapter first deals with the conquest of the land and the creation of a kingdom of Israel, thereby indicating the course of modern criticism, pointing out the contradictions in the narratives, and rendering the conception of history presented by the tradition incredible. It then presents an account of the land settlement and of the three centuries after Israel's settlement in Canaan, recording the deeds of the judges and the personalities and works of the first three kings. The tribes that were, theoretically, rather closely united before Israel became a state numbered in reality sometimes more, sometimes less, than twelve, but always about that number. The Old Testament contains other such groups of twelve, for example the sons of Nahor, of Ishmael, and the tribes of Edom. The chapter ends by presenting a note on Solomon's military organization and his rule's administrative districts.
The pages of Western Asian history during 1370-1300 BC have had little to tell about Assyria or Babylonia since the reigns of Shamshi-Adad I and of his son Ishme-Dagan in the former, and since the end of Hammurabi's last successor in the latter. The moment of destiny for Assyria in its relation with the Human kingdoms which had long oppressed her was undoubtedly the murder of Tushratta, king of Mitanni, by one of his sons. In the south, Ashur-uballit's relations with Babylonia were intimate and dramatic, and are fairly well known. An Assyrian poem, written in a spirit of undisguised chauvinism, presents an epical description of a war between Assyria and Babylonia. Assyria under Enlil-nīrāri was successful in the war; he was succeeded by his son Arik-dēn-ili, whose reign lasted for twelve years. The efforts of Arik-dēn-ili appear more as the usual offensive-defensive operations against the highlands than as moves in a conflict with Kassite Babylonia.
When Ramesses III died, not quite two months after he had begun the thirty-second year of his reign, no one could have imagined that the last great pharaoh had gone. In about the middle of the Twentieth Dynasty references are repeatedly made in Egyptian texts to incursions by Libyans. A considerable part of the information now available about the Twentieth Dynasty is derived from documents which were written for the group of workmen who constructed the tombs of the kings of the New Kingdom in the Valley of the Kings and the tombs of their queens in the Valley of the Queens at Thebes. While the kings of the Twenty-first Dynasty ruled from Tanis generations of high priests of Amun, descendants of Hrihor, were in power at Thebes. In so far as each high priest succeeded either his father or his brother in the office, the seven high priests form a dynasty.
This chapter deals with the history of Anatolia from the period of Shuppiluliumash till the Egyptian war of Muwatallish. Shuppiluliumash had already, as crown prince, succeeded in stabilizing the situation during the later part of the reign of Tudkhaliash, his father. He had led the Hittite armies skilfully and successfully and had restored the frontier, particularly in the north and in the east. When Murshilish, son of Shuppiluliumash, ascended the throne, his efforts in the first ten years were concentrated upon the reassertion of Hittite power, mainly in Asia Minor. Under him, the empire spread from the Lebanon and the Euphrates in the south to the mountains of Pontus in the north and to the western reaches of Asia Minor. As field-marshal of the Hittite armies Khattushilish, the younger brother of Murshilish, claims to have conducted numerous campaigns for his brother, both offensively and defensively.
In order to complete the prolegomena to historical Greek religion, this chapter indicates what is known of the religion of the Minoan and Mycenaean peoples, and attempts an estimate of how far the religion of these times survived in the Homeric poems and in later Greece. Representations of Greek myth and belief have been eagerly sought in Minoan-Mycenaean art, but amount to little more than a probable Europa on the bull and a possible Zeus with the scales of destiny. On the other hand the mythological links connecting Greece with Crete are many and important. If the myths suggest an origin in the Mycenaean age, so does the cult, for often the same places retained an unbroken sanctity from Mycenaean to historic times. A cosmogonical idea preserved by Homer is that of the origin of all things from water. This is expressed mythologically by calling Oceanus, the river which encircled the earth's disc.
In the Aegean many centuries constitute the Dark Age that preceded the Greek Renascence of the later eighth century. On the west coast of Asia Minor, the people who set the pace were the Greeks. It was not till the seventh century, long after they had consolidated their possession of the coastlands, which the Greeks of Asia began to meet opposition to their inland penetration. The schematic prose traditions of the migrations to the East Aegean after the Trojan War seem in general to have been compilations of the fifth century BC. Aeolic expeditions to Lesbos and the Aeolis are recorded, under the leadership of sons and descendants of Orestes. Two main ancient sources for the foundations in Ionia are Strabo and Pausanias. Pausanias, in a more circumstantial account, makes Neleus the second son of Codrus and, together with his younger brothers, the leader of the lonians in their overseas migration.
The expansion of Mycenaean civilization had been bound up with a vigorous trading activity in the eastern Mediterranean, and for the archaeologist the recession of that trade is one of the most obvious symptoms of the Mycenaean decline. For later Greeks the Trojan War was the best remembered event of the Mycenaean age: it is the central fact of history behind the Iliad and Odyssey; and it was constantly present to the Greek mind as a turning-point of the heroic age. The list of Trojan allies in Iliad II is but sketchy compared with the Greek catalogue; and this strengthens the belief in its Mycenaean date. The wide coalition of presumably maritime allies who assisted the King of Libya is indicative of seriously disturbed conditions in the eastern half of the Mediterranean; and though Merneptah was at this time successful in repelling them the disturbances were to recur in the reign of Ramesses III.
This chapter explores the archaeological contribution towards an elucidation surrounding the origins of the Israelite tribes in Palestine. Owing to the peculiar position which Palestine holds in respect to three world religions, the reason for and the evolution of excavations in her soil have been somewhat different from those in other parts of the world. The one distinctive element of the culture of the Hebrew tribes of which one may speak with any certainty is their religion, the nature of which was such that during the period in question it remains, archaeologically speaking, an invisible attribute. The chapter presents the sites where excavation has revealed a destruction which could have been caused by the incoming Hebrew tribes; the sites include Bethe, Tell el-Jib. Of far greater archaeological importance is the bearing which the Deir 'Alia excavations have on the problems of recognizing the arrival of new population groups.
FOR very different reasons the two kings who lived at the beginning of the period to which this part of the History is devoted have received more attention in modern times than any of their predecessors or successors on the Egyptian throne: Akhenaten, on account of his religious and artistic innovations, and Tutankhamun, on account of the chance survival of his tomb at Thebes with its fabulous contents untouched since antiquity until its discovery in 1922. Neither of them was accepted as having been a legitimate ruler worthy of inclusion in the king-lists of the Nineteenth Dynasty kings Sethos I and Ramesses II, as recorded in their temples at Abydos. While they and their successors until the end of the Twenty-first Dynasty occupied the throne of Egypt, important events were happening in Western Asia, the course of which is traced in this volume. The long Kassite rule in Babylonia came to an end and the rivalry between Assyria and Babylonia began. The Hittite empire reached its peak, declined and fell, as did the Elamite kingdom in Persia. The Phrygians appeared on the scene for the first time. Along the Mediterranean shores, in Phoenicia and in Ugarit new forms of writing were developed. Palestine emerged from its long period of anonymity with the rise of the Hebrew kingdom culminating in the reign of Solomon.
The only historical sources at our disposal recording the settlement of the Israelite patriarchs in Canaan, their stay there, Israel's sojourn in Egypt, the exodus and the wanderings in the Sinai peninsula and east of the 'Arabah and the Dead Sea are the narratives in the Pentateuch. Akkadian and Hittite texts of the first half of the second millennium, thought to refer to military events recorded in Genesis xiv; documents from Nuzi mentioning legal customs which are, or appear, similar to those presupposed in the stories of the patriarchs. However, these are ambiguous in interpretation, and thus they can be adduced only as supplementing the story to be obtained from the Pentateuch narratives. The arrangement of the stories in the Pentateuch based on a genealogical order that appears chronological, or in the form of itineraries, has no claim to be in itself truly historical. Each narrative should be examined to see to which period or which area its subject belongs.
This chapter talks about Syria under the rule of the Hittites. The latent rivalry between the Egyptians and the Hittites erupted into open warfare as soon as Amurru was compelled to abrogate the treaty which bound it to the Hittite king. King Muwatallish died without leaving a legitimate son to succeed him. Hence, it was necessary to invoke the constitution of Telepinush which provided that in such a case the eldest son of a royal concubine should be made king. In this manner Urkhi-Teshub was proclaimed king. Khattushilish supported his claims; in his apology, he makes much of it and insists that his attitude toward his nephew is proof of his loyalty and generosity. The Empire period, from Shuppiluliumash to the catastrophe around 1200 BC, saw the Hittites ruling supreme over the Anatolian plateau from the western valleys to the headwaters of the Euphrates. They expanded their domain to include Cilicia and Syria from the Taurus to the Lebanon.