Of the ancient writers on the Mythology of Hercules.

1. It would without doubt increase our knowledge both of the Epic Poetry and Mythology of the Greeks, if these two branches of learning were placed in a nearer relation to each other, by combining researches into the contents of the Epic Poems with a systematic investigation of the various characters assumed by the mythological traditions at different periods. The following brief remarks must be considered as merely intended to awaken the industry of those who are better fitted than myself to undertake such a task, and perhaps to give some small assistance towards the discovery of a method, which may afford greater certainty to mythological inquiries, and extend the range of literary discussions.

2. Plutarch had composed a work Περὶ ʿΗραϰλέους which he himself quotes in Vit. Thes. 28. Fragm. p. 353. What authorities he esteemed the most worthy of credit may be gathered from the following passage, “Of the ancient au- “thors who were skilled in tradition, neither Homer, He- “siod, Archilochus, Peisander, Stesichorus, Alcman, or “Pindar ever had any idea of an Egyptian or Phœnician “Hercules: all recognize one Hercules only, viz. the Bœ- “otian and Argive.” Here we should remark, in the first place, that Peisander, agreeably to his great antiquity, is placed between Archilochus and Stesichorus, and Panyasis omitted as an author of too late a date.

Geography of the Peloponnese.

1. The annexed Map of the Peloponnese has been taken from one of larger dimensions, in which, after the astronomical bearings had been laid down, the Itinerary of every modern traveller with which I was acquainted, particularly Gell's Itinerary of Morea, besides the routes of Chandler, Dodwell, Pouqueville, Holland, Morrit, Sibthorpe, and Turner, were entered. I had also when at Paris an opportunity of making extracts and copying some plans, not indeed of any great value, from the manuscript journal of the younger Fourmont, which, though frequently much confused, still contained useful information concerning several districts. Having adopted the above routes as the surest basis, I next compared other maps, particularly Barbié du Bocage's Carte de la Morée publiée à Paris en 1814, and Arrowsmith's large Map of Turkey; besides these, I availed myself of the ancient Venetian Map, but the Carta della Grecia antica secondo le osservazioni di Sir W. Gell, published at Rome, cannot be considered properly as a production of this distinguished geographer. The combination of ancient and modern accounts with the state of the country thus ascertained, served as an introductory measure to our proposed object of representing the political and geographical condition of the Peloponnese during the Peloponnesian war, (vol. I. p. 225. note.) by following historical records, whenever they could be obtained.

On the ritual worship of Apollo—The bloodless sacrifices—Rites of expiation and purification—Expiation for murder in Attica and elsewhere—Prophetic office of Apollo—Character of his sacred music—On some festivals of Apollo—Historical account of the statues of Apollo—Influence of his worship on the government and philosophy of Greece.

1. Our intention in this chapter is to shew that, besides the mythology, the ceremonies also of the worship of Apollo so agree and harmonize together, as to furnish a decisive proof of the regular and systematic developement of that religion; after which we will endeavour to point out this agreement, and elucidate its relative bearings; although an attempt of this kind must necessarily be very imperfect, since the religion, which, in order to comprehend, we should regard with the ardour of devotion, is now merely the subject of cold and heartless speculation.

First, with regard to the sacrifices, it is remarkable, that in many of the principal temples a particular sanctity and importance was attributed to bloodless offerings. At Delphi cakes and frankincense were consecrated in holy baskets; at Patara, cakes in the form of bows, arrows, and lyres (emblems both of the wrath and placability of the deity).

On the mode of clothing in Doric states.

1. The next point which we have to consider is the mode of clothing in use among the Dorians; in which a peculiar taste was displayed; an ancient decorum and simplicity, equally removed from the splendour of Asiatics and the uncleanliness of barbarians. At the same time, however, they paid considerable attention to their personal appearance, although their manners did not require the body to be studiously and completely covered. A Dorian was the first who in the lists of Olympia threw off the heavy girdle, which the wrestlers of Homer had worn in common with those of barbarous countries, and ran naked to the goal; in fact a display of the naked form, when all covering was useless, and indeed inconvenient, was altogether in harmony with the Doric character. This reminds us of the nakedness of the Spartan young women, even in the time of Athenian civilization, which custom gave rise to the joke, that “the Spartans shewed foreigners their virgins “naked.” On this subject however it is necessary that we should enter into greater detail.

2. In the first place these words direct our attention to the different modes of life of the married and unmarried women among the Dorians.

On the music and choral dancing of the Dorians.

1. We are now about to speak of the history of music in the different Doric states; and before we notice particular facts and circumstances, we must direct our attention to the more general one, namely, that one of the musical measures, or ἀρμονίαι (by which term the ancient Greeks denoted the arrangement of intervals, the length of which was fixed by the different kinds of harmony, γένη, according to the strings of the tetrachord, together with the higher or lower scale of the whole system), was anciently called the Doric, and that this measure, together with the Phrygian and Lydian, was long the only one in use among the musicians of Greece, and consequently the only one which in these early times derived its name from a Greek nation; a sufficient warrant for us to consider it as the genuine Greek measure, in contradistinction to any other introduced at a later period. A question next arises, wherefore this ancient and genuine Greek strain was called the Doric. The only explanation that can be given is, that it was brought to perfection in Doric countries, viz. in the ancient domiciles of music, Crete, Sparta, Sicyon, and Delphi. There cannot therefore have been any school or succession of musicians among the other Greek nations, of greater celebrity than the Doric, before the time we allude to.

On the Cosmi of Crete, Prytanes of Corinth, &c. On the Artynœ and Demiurgi in other cities.

1. The cosmi of Crete are compared by Aristotle, Ephorus, and Cicero, with the ephors of Lacedæmon. We are first led to suspect the correctness of this comparison by the fact that the larger part of the extensive power of the ephoralty did not exist in the ancient constitution of Sparta, and consequently there could not have been any thing corresponding with it in the sister constitution of Crete. This conjecture is still further confirmed when we remember that the cosmi were chosen from particular families, rather according to their dignity than their personal merits. For to take away from the office of ephors their election from among the people would be to give up its most essential characteristic. If then we abandon this comparison, it will be necessary to find some other analogous office, on account of the great similarity between the two constitutions, and it will then appear that the parallel magistrates to the cosmi in the Spartan government were the kings; whom indeed the cosmi appear to have succeeded, as the prytanes, artynæ, &c. in other states, the expiring monarchical dignity having been replaced by an aristocratical magistrate.

This assertion is confirmed by whatever knowledge we have of the powers of the cosmi, which indeed chiefly regards their influence in foreign affairs.

On the Periœci of Laconia.

1. The clearest notion of the subjection enforced by the dominant race of Dorians may be collected from the speech of Brasidas to the Peloponnesians, as related by Thucydides. “You are not come,” he says, “from states in which the many rule over the few, but the few over the many, having obtained their sovereignty in no other manner than by victory in the field.” The only right indeed which they possessed was the right of conquerors; the Dorians had by the sword driven out the Achæans, and these again could not rest their claim to the Peloponnese on any better title. It seemed also like a continuation of the heroic age, the existence of which was founded on the rule exercised by the military over the agricultural classes. The relative rights of the Dorians and Achæans appear however to have been determined by mutual compact, since the Dorians, obtaining the superiority only by slow degrees, were doubtless glad to purchase the accession of each town on moderate conditions; and this was perhaps especially the case in Messenia. The native inhabitants of the towns thus reduced to a state of dependence were called Περίοικοι. The difference of races was strictly preserved; and was not (as elsewhere) obliterated by an union in the same city and political community.

On the meals of the Dorians.

1. With respect to the food and meals of the Dorians, we will only mention those points which are connected with some historical or moral fact, since we have already considered this subject in connexion with the economy of the state.

In the first place, the adherence of the Dorians to ancient Greek usages is visible in their custom of eating together, or of the syssitia. For these public tables were not only in use among the Dorians, (with whom, besides in Crete and Sparta, they also existed at Megara in the time of Theognis, and at Corinth in the time of Periander), but they had also once been a national custom among the Œnotrians, and their kinsmen the Arcadians, particularly at Phigaleia; and among the Greeks of Homer the princes at least eat together, and at the cost of the community; a custom which was retained by the Prytanes at Athens, Rhodes, and elsewhere. In particular, the public tables of Sparta have in many points a great resemblance to the Homeric banquets (δαῖτες); only that all the Spartans were in a certain manner considered as princes.

On the private dwellings and architecture of the Dorians.

1. Having now examined the political institutions of the Doric states, we next proceed to consider their private life and domestic economy; which two subjects were so intimately connected in the habits of this race, that we shall not attempt to separate them by any exact line of distinction. Our observations will be confined to those matters which appear most to exhibit the peculiar character of the Dorians. For which purpose, having first considered their domestic conveniences, such as dwellings, &c., we will proceed to their domestic relations, their arts, and literature.

2. The dwellings of the Dorians were plain and simple. By a law of Lycurgus the doors of every house were to be fashioned only with the saw, and the cieling with the axe; not that the legislator intended to abolish altogether the science of architecture, but merely to restrain it to its proper objects, viz. temples and public buildings, and to prevent it from purveying to private luxury. The kings of Greece in Homer's time lived not only in spacious, but also richly ornamented houses, the walls of which glittered with brass, silver, gold, amber, and ivory; but no such splendour was seen in the dwellings of the Heraclide princes.