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Dionysius of Halicarnassus was a rhetorician, critic and historiographer in Augustan Rome. This volume seeks to understand Dionysius as a writer positioned between Greece and Rome and between rhetoric and historiography. The introduction discusses the complex relationship between Dionysius’ history of early Rome and his rhetorical and critical works, and it presents Dionysius as both thoroughly Greek and very Roman. Dionysius’ works are interpreted as part of the Greek literature of the Augustan Age and as responding to the political, cultural and intellectual climate of Rome under Augustus. The following chapters are presented in three parts: (1) Dionysius and Augustan Rhetoric and Literary Criticism, (2) Dionysius and Augustan Historiography, and (3) Dionysius and Augustan Rome. The introduction concludes with a consideration of Dionysius’ intended audience.
Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ critical essay on Lysias is a very rich piece of literary criticism. In this work Dionysius gives an outline of the critical structure and rhetorical methodology which will provide the basis for his other essays on Attic orators. This chapter concentrates on one of the most intriguing aspects of the essay on Lysias, namely Dionysius’ exploration of the concept of charm or χάρις. Even though this concept had been used before in rhetorical and literary criticism, Dionysius gives it an unprecedentedly prominent position in this essay and links it closely (even exclusively) to Lysianic prose. This chapter aims to show the way in which Dionysius’ focus on Lysias’ charm fits within his larger critical work and how pinning down the meaning of this elusive concept might shed light on his engagement with Augustan Rome.
This chapter explores the relationship between Horace’s Ars Poetica and Dionysius’ On Composition. The first part presents a general comparison of Dionysius and Horace, their place within Augustan Rome, and their literary theories. The second part concentrates on what may be called the central theme of composition theory in both Dionysius and Horace: the idea that the most beautiful style is achieved by a skilful arrangement of common words. While some of the parallels between the Greek critic and the Roman poet can be explained by their use of common sources and (Peripatetic and Hellenistic) traditions, other parallels suggest that the two authors were familiar with notions and ideas that were circulating in Rome. The ideal of a skilful arrangement of common or normal words, which is characteristic of the Augustan Age, can be related to the self-presentation of Augustus and to the ancient perception of Virgil’s poetic style.
Dionysius’ work has been understood as being both ‘thoroughly Greek’ and ‘very Roman’. Scholars usually approach this apparent contradiction by (1) examining Dionysius as a Greek under Roman rule and (2) considering Augustan echoes in the Roman Antiquities. This chapter proposes a new way: could Dionysius’ presentation of senatorial debate be influenced by the way political life operated in the late first century, beyond Augustus? Dionysius’ experience of living in Rome will have coloured his interpretation of politics more than simply in terms of Augustanism. The story of the decemvirate provides fruitful terrain for this study. It is thematically important, occupying a central position in the Antiquities, and, claims Dionysius, Roman law surpassed Greek law at this point. Second, it illustrates how Dionysius combines Roman political thought with Greek literary heritage. We must therefore understand Dionysius not only as the product of his literary influences, but also his daily life.
The untimely and violent deaths of Horatia and Lucretia, two key stories in the tradition on Rome’s social and constitutional development, are differently handled by Dionysius. In Horatia’s case he stresses the familial rift, applying epic and tragic colouring that befits the archaic epoch and evokes the Hellenic nature of Roman society. With Lucretia’s suicide he downplays the personal element, and particularly the role of husband Collatinus, in favour of a highly politicised narrative that shifts the emphasis from individual wrong and revenge to valid constitutional progress. Augustan concerns for sexual morality and the boundary between the private and public spheres are apparent in his handling of these two exempla. Appropriate techniques in depicting character and motivation advertise Dionysius’ grasp of the principles of good historical writing and his claim to possess the correct disposition for a historian capable of conveying to his readers a proper understanding of political change.
Looking back over the volume’s contents, which show how Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ migration from Greece to Rome frames his life-long choice to write across Greek and Roman culture and to find ways to knit the two together, this envoi argues that he is best understood in the light of contemporary thinking about migrancy, especially by the Francophone Caribbean thinker Édouard Glissant. As a migrant writer and an imitator who champions the act of imitation, Dionysius helps us see not only imperial Greek but Roman literature as a literature of migrancy. Glissant’s insight into the ways migrant writing organizes itself around relations to others provocatively illuminates the styles and ethics of Romans who in the act of writing ceaselessly engaged in the act of relating to another language and another culture: Greece.
Based on a close reading of extracts from Roman Antiquities books 1 and 2, this chapter argues that the texture of Dionysius’ narrative presents a more complex picture of the national identity of Rome’s earliest inhabitants than is conveyed by his grand claim for the Greek origins of Rome. It examines Dionyius’ conception of the pre-historic polis, arguing that he presents his readers with the problems of his sources, and fails to tidy up conflicting traditions, even where that results in a disrupted narrative. Romulus’ foundation speech is examined, and the relationship between larger ideas and small details of representation. The chapter then extrapolates from these narrative strategies to Dionysius’ political interests. Observing that Greek culture in the Augustan period had many forms of expression, it argues that Dionysius’ work as a critical pre-historian leads him to repudiate overarching narratives and avoid the obvious polarity between Greek and Roman.
This paper explores the complex attitude towards the classical past in Dionysius’ critical writings along with the ways in which connecting with and experiencing the past is bound up with classicist practices of reading and writing. The classical past for Dionysius is not the historical Athens of the fifth and fourth centuries BC but a structure of feelings encoded in and experienceable through the classical texts. The ‘classical’ thus becomes transferable to Augustan Rome where it forms the basis for the creation of a ‘classical’ present and future. At the same time, Dionysius is acutely aware of the gap separating his experience of the classical texts from that of their original audience. It is the continuous (but ultimately never successful) attempt to close this gap and to achieve some sort of an ‘original’ experience of the classical texts that is the driving force behind classicism as a cultural practice.
This chapter discusses how and why Dionysius wrote the earliest history of Rome at such length. Dionysius’ own remarks on the writing of history, in both his theoretical treatises and the Roman Antiquities, are examined in order to show how they do much to explain this expansiveness, and two episodes (5.1.1–13.5; 5.52.1–57.4) that may serve as a general illustration of his techniques are analysed. Some suggestions are made as to where in the Roman annalistic tradition Dionysius found the material that allowed him to write at such length (it is argued that the lost history of Gnaeus Gellius was important). The chapter ends with discussion of a battle-scene (8.64.3–65.6) that exhibits characteristic Dionysian or Roman annalistic expansion. Throughout comparison of the Roman Antiquities with Livy’s Ab urbe condita, the only other extended narrative of early Rome that survives, is used to illustrate Dionysius’ techniques.
This essay investigates the assumptions which underlie Dionysius’ critical practice through a close examination of some of the more programmatic passages of the On Thucydides. Dionysius is concerned to determine why classical authors made the choices they did and how such knowledge can be instructive in Dionysius’ own day. In this investigation, Dionysius typically retrojects back on to the subjects of his essays his own sense of what is morally and stylistically appropriate; some of Thucydides’ faults lie in the fact that he did not share Dionysius' own classicising view of the achievements of classical Athens. The essay also discusses Dionysius’ defence against the charge that the best critics must themselves also be able to compose great works in the genres in which they claim expertise.
This chapter considers Dionysius’ evaluation of Demosthenes, the Attic orator whom Dionysius considers the best and most worthy of imitation for his own and future students of rhetorical composition. Dionysius views Demosthenes’ artistry in both a literary mode – in regard to Demosthenes’ literary predecessors and contemporaries – and a political mode – as a means of aiding the attempt of the Augustan regime to refashion the recently secured Roman empire on the basis of a renewed commitment to political, moral, and aesthetic virtues. The chapter considers the background, terms, and methods of Dionysius’ rhetorical criticism: his tripartite scheme of classifying styles and writers; his manner of connecting style with subject matter and occasion; his concern for aesthetic and musical effects; and his attempt to join Demosthenes’ pursuit of political victory with his achievement of permanent literary fame.