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The Lusitanians at first did not have a worthy leader, and thus were easily defeated in the war with the Romans, but later, after they found Viriathus, they inflicted great damage on the Romans.1 He was one of the Lusitanians2 who lived near the Ocean and was a shepherd from childhood, accustomed to a life in the mountains. He was assisted by the nature of his body, since in his strength, quickness, and agility he was far superior to the rest of the Iberians. He was accustomed to little food and much exercise, and only as much sleep as was necessary. In general, by living under arms and always contending with wild beasts and brigands, he became famous among the people and was chosen to be their leader, and in a short period gathered a group of brigands around him.3
Nabis, the tyrannos of the Lakedaimonians, killed Pelops the son of King Lykourgos, who was a child at the time.1 This was a matter of precaution, since the child, when he came of age, might restore the freedom of his country, using the assurance of his noble birth. He also selected the most accomplished Lakedaimonians and put them to death, and gathered mercenaries of the worst type from everywhere to guard his power. Thus temple robbers, thieves, brigands, and those sentenced to death came to Sparta from every place. He had made himself tyrannos through his impiety, and he believed that only by such people could he best be guarded.
Philip [V],1 the Macedonian king, persuaded Dikaiarchos of Aitolia, a man of daring, to become a pirate, and gave him twenty ships.2 He ordered him to levy tribute on the islands and to aid the Cretans in their war against the Rhodians. According to these instructions, he plundered merchants and through robbery exacted money from the islands.
On the same day the senate voted a declaration of war against Perseus, and even though it gave an audience to his envoys, it gave no reply to them.1 It also ordered the consuls to make an explicit proclamation to the assemblies, and that the envoys and all the Macedonians were to leave Rome on the same day, and Italy within thirty days.
(1) Marcus Antonius made peace with the Cretans, which was observed for a while.1 Later they considered how best to structure matters for their own benefit, and the oldest and wisest advised that an embassy should be sent to Rome in order to defend themselves against the charges that had been made, and to attempt to propitiate the senate with reasonable words and petitions.2 Thus thirty of their most distinguished men were sent to Rome as envoys. They went around individually to the homes of the senators, and by putting forth every kind of vocal entreaty, they won over the leaders of the senate. (2) Then they were brought before the senate and made a sensible defense against the charges, recounting precisely their own services and alliance with the empire, calling upon them to consider these to merit their restoration to their previous favor and alliance.
The Carthaginians, by bringing Masanassa into the war, were believed to have terminated their treaty with the Romans. When they sent envoys, they were given the answer that they knew what must be done.1 The answer was obscure, which left the Carthaginians deeply disturbed.2
When those in Antioch learned of the death of Antiochos (VII),1 the city not only went into public mourning, but every house was dejected and filled with lamentation. In particular, the wailing of the women inflamed their suffering. They had lost 300,000, including those other than the soldiers who had gone into the interior, and there was no household that was exempt from misfortune.2 Some lamented the loss of brothers, others of husbands, and still others of sons. Many girls and boys were orphaned and deplored their desolation, until time – the best physician for grief – released them from the peak of their suffering.
(1) Fighting about wealth produces contention in humanity and can create great misfortune for those desirous of it. It is the impetus toward unjust and illegal activities, produces all kinds of intemperate pleasures, and leads the foolish to thoughtless activities.1 Thus one can see that such people fall into great misfortune and become the cause of disasters to their cities.
All evils should be avoided by those who are sensible, but especially arrogance, since the expectation of profit invites many to injustice and becomes the cause of great evils to humanity.1 Thus it is the mother city2 of injustice, producing a great many misfortunes not only for private persons but for the greatest of kings.
At about the same time Marius defeated the Libyan kings Bocchos [I] and Jugurtha in a great engagement, and killed myriads of Libyans, and later took Jugurtha prisoner, who had been captured by Bocchos and was thus pardoned by the Romans for what had brought him into the war.1 Moreover, the Romans, at war with the Kimbrians, were stumbling greatly in Galatia and were exceedingly demoralized.2 Also, at about the same time, certain people came from Sicily and reported an uprising of slaves numbering tens of thousands. When this was announced, all of Rome found itself in a continual crisis, since about 60,000 soldiers had died in the Galatian war against the Kimbrians, and there was a lack of chosen troops to send out.
Epikouros the philosopher said in his treatise Principal Doctrines that the just life is calm but the unjust is mostly full of disturbance.1 Thus in a short statement he completely encompassed true wisdom, which, on the whole, has the power to correct the evil in men. Injustice, being the mother city of evils,2 causes the greatest misfortunes, not only for private citizens but collectively for peoples, populations, and kings.
Those in the Carthaginian army were Iberians,3 Kelts,4 Balearians,5 Libyans, Phoenicians,6 Ligystinians,7 and mixed Hellenic slaves.8
Leaders abounded in the ancient world, from kings, pharaohs, emperors, tyrants, politicians, and orators to generals, minor officials and intellectuals. This book opens fresh perspectives on leadership by examining under-explored topics, posing new questions and revisiting old concepts. In particular, it seeks to shift attention from constitutional issues stricto sensu (such as kingship, monarchy, tyranny, etc.) or, more productively, to prompt a re-examination of these issues through the lens of leadership. The volume includes chapters on a range of cultures from across the ancient world in order to promote comparative reflection. Key questions include whether some models of good and bad leadership were universal among ancient cultures or exhibited differences? Why did a certain culture emphasise one leadership quality while another insisted on another? Why did only some cultures develop a theoretical discourse on leadership? How did each culture appropriate, define, redefine (or react) to existing concepts of leadership?
This is the first systematic collection of the remains of the lost Greek chronicles from the period AD 350–650 and provides an edition and translation of and commentary on the fragments. Introducing neglected authors and proposing new interpretations, it reveals the diversity of the genre and revises traditional views about its development, nuancing in particular the role usually attributed to Eusebius of Caesarea. It shows how the writing of chronicles was deeply entangled in controversies about exegesis and liturgy, especially the dates of Christmas and Easter. Drawing from Latin, Armenian, Syriac and Arabic sources besides Greek ones, the book also studies how chronographic material travelled across linguistic and cultural boundaries. In this way, it sheds a profoundly new light on historiography in transition from Antiquity to the Middle Ages.