(1) Neither the poet nor the historian, nor any craftsman using the rules of literary composition, is able completely to please every reader, for human nature, even if reaching the highest level of accomplishment, is never beyond reproach and accepted by everyone.1 Thus Pheidias2 was greatly admired for his production of ivory images, Praxiteles3 combined the emotions of the soul with works in stone, and Apelles4 and Parrhasios5 brought the art of painting to its peak through their experience in mixing colors. Yet none of them was so successful in his work that he could display the result of his ability and be completely free of reproach.

From the time that all human deeds began to be handed down through the records of history, and for the memory of posterity, the greatest war known to us was the Marsic, named after the Marsians.1 It surpassed all previous ones in terms of the bravery of its commanders and the size of its accomplishments.2 The Trojan War and the valor of its heroes were dramatically made known by the most distinguished of poets, Homer, so that their reputation is superior.3 There Europe was fighting against Asia and the greatest continents were earnestly striving for victory. Thus the deeds of the combatants brought it about that for successive people the theaters have been filled with their tragic and mythic achievements.

Hamilkar the Carthaginian, called Barkas, and his son Hannibal were said to have been the greatest of the Carthaginian commanders, not only more so than their predecessors, but also those who came later. By their deeds they greatly increased their native land.

The present volume is a translation and commentary of books 21–40 of Diodoros’ Bibliotheke Historike, the first English version of these books in over half a century. The text used is that of the Budé edition of Paul Goukowsky with some adjustments from the Loeb of Francis Walton and the present author. The ordering and numbering of fragments generally follows that of the Budé text.

The Lusitanians at first did not have a worthy leader, and thus were easily defeated in the war with the Romans, but later, after they found Viriathus, they inflicted great damage on the Romans.1 He was one of the Lusitanians2 who lived near the Ocean and was a shepherd from childhood, accustomed to a life in the mountains. He was assisted by the nature of his body, since in his strength, quickness, and agility he was far superior to the rest of the Iberians. He was accustomed to little food and much exercise, and only as much sleep as was necessary. In general, by living under arms and always contending with wild beasts and brigands, he became famous among the people and was chosen to be their leader, and in a short period gathered a group of brigands around him.3

Nabis, the tyrannos of the Lakedaimonians, killed Pelops the son of King Lykourgos, who was a child at the time.1 This was a matter of precaution, since the child, when he came of age, might restore the freedom of his country, using the assurance of his noble birth. He also selected the most accomplished Lakedaimonians and put them to death, and gathered mercenaries of the worst type from everywhere to guard his power. Thus temple robbers, thieves, brigands, and those sentenced to death came to Sparta from every place. He had made himself tyrannos through his impiety, and he believed that only by such people could he best be guarded.

Philip [V],1 the Macedonian king, persuaded Dikaiarchos of Aitolia, a man of daring, to become a pirate, and gave him twenty ships.2 He ordered him to levy tribute on the islands and to aid the Cretans in their war against the Rhodians. According to these instructions, he plundered merchants and through robbery exacted money from the islands.

On the same day the senate voted a declaration of war against Perseus, and even though it gave an audience to his envoys, it gave no reply to them.1 It also ordered the consuls to make an explicit proclamation to the assemblies, and that the envoys and all the Macedonians were to leave Rome on the same day, and Italy within thirty days.

(1) Marcus Antonius made peace with the Cretans, which was observed for a while.1 Later they considered how best to structure matters for their own benefit, and the oldest and wisest advised that an embassy should be sent to Rome in order to defend themselves against the charges that had been made, and to attempt to propitiate the senate with reasonable words and petitions.2 Thus thirty of their most distinguished men were sent to Rome as envoys. They went around individually to the homes of the senators, and by putting forth every kind of vocal entreaty, they won over the leaders of the senate. (2) Then they were brought before the senate and made a sensible defense against the charges, recounting precisely their own services and alliance with the empire, calling upon them to consider these to merit their restoration to their previous favor and alliance.

The Carthaginians, by bringing Masanassa into the war, were believed to have terminated their treaty with the Romans. When they sent envoys, they were given the answer that they knew what must be done.1 The answer was obscure, which left the Carthaginians deeply disturbed.2

When those in Antioch learned of the death of Antiochos (VII),1 the city not only went into public mourning, but every house was dejected and filled with lamentation. In particular, the wailing of the women inflamed their suffering. They had lost 300,000, including those other than the soldiers who had gone into the interior, and there was no household that was exempt from misfortune.2 Some lamented the loss of brothers, others of husbands, and still others of sons. Many girls and boys were orphaned and deplored their desolation, until time – the best physician for grief – released them from the peak of their suffering.