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Reales Sterben ist notwendig … für die neue Existenz nach Paulus.
Herbert Braun, “Das ‘Stirb und Werde’”
The transition from puberty rites of primitive societies to Paul's death–life symbolism is neither as abrupt nor as novel as might first appear. In fact, the connection has been noticed before, though previous discussions have focused exclusively on Romans 6 and the relationship between Paul's view of baptism and that of Hellenistic mystery religions. The general synthesis of initiatory symbolism offered in chapter 5, while written independently of A. J. M. Wedderburn's treatment, dovetails nicely with his survey of “life through death” in Greco-Roman mystery religions. One of his conclusions with respect to Romans 6 is particularly noteworthy:
Thus it is true that “life through death” is attested in the mysteryrites and that this would provide an analogy to Paul's teaching on baptism and one which would lie close to hand … But its presence in the mysteries would be only one analogy among several and, moreover, it could be argued that the idea lay near to hand in any rite of passage, and was therefore a natural image to use in the context of an explication of the Christian initiatory rite.
James Dunn, assessing the affinities between Lucius' initiation into the Isis cult and Romans 6.3–4, reaches a similar conclusion:
Because “spirit” is the most life-giving, and God is the author of life.
Philo, De Opificio Mundi
The question of the correct starting-point for the examination of the Spirit in Paul's letters was posed several decades ago by Otto Kuss, and again recently by Gordon Fee. It is no small irony that Fee, a (neo-)Pentecostal, begins with eschatology, while Kuss, a Roman Catholic, begins with glossolalia. Few would now doubt the correctness of Fee's approach, without implying any criticism of Gunkel's emphasis on the dynamic and ecstatic element associated with the Spirit in the New Testament. Kuss was correct, however, to insist that the Old Testament was decisive for Paul in that it provided him with an eschatological framework and categories with which to interpret his experience of the Spirit, and at this point Kuss stands with the consensus. In sketching the Pauline antecedents, I will restrict myself to two prominent and easily discernible lines of tradition which were not only picked up and continued by Paul, but were intertwined by him as well: the Spirit as the sign of the eschaton, and the Spirit as the creator of life.
The Pauline antecedents
The Spirit and the eschaton
The association of the age to come with an outpouring of God's Spirit is a familiar theme in Israel's prophetic traditions, and did not go unnoticed by the early church as it sought to explain its own experience of the Spirit. Joel's prophecy of a universal outpouring was eagerly appropriated toward this end (Acts 2; cf. Rom. 10.13), and this is but one text in a rich archive of material which must have shaped the self-identity of primitive Christianity.
As explained in Chapter 7, the term “Jewish Christian” in a broad sense refers to any Jew who believed in Jesus as some sort of savior figure. In this sense, Paul was a Jewish Christian, as were any number of other people who disagreed with him and with each other. While Jewish Christianity was diverse, this chapter focuses on one particular type: Jews who acknowledged Jesus as the Messiah but continued to practice the religion of Judaism as the way to God. I have been calling these people “Judaic Christians.” Here we will look at their history, literature, and religion.
HISTORY OF JUDAIC CHRISTIANITY
Judaic Christians in Acts and Paul
According to Acts, different attitudes toward the Law already existed in the community at Jerusalem. Jews charged the Hellenist Stephen with having a lenient attitude toward the Law, and in the aftermath the Hellenists got run out of town. The apostles, representing the Hebrews, stayed on, presumably because they had a more traditional view of the Law. In this account, then, different attitudes toward the Law existed in Christianity from the beginning, with the Hebrews being the more conservative. While we might suspect that not all Hebrews were conservative and not all Hellenists liberal, this picture of differing attitudes toward the Law is historically plausible. It is likely therefore that those who remained in Jerusalem at the death of Stephen were predominantly Judaic Christians.
Like the other letters in this section, the letters of Jude and 2 Peter oppose some form of divergent teaching from a Proto-Orthodox perspective. The two letters stand in close relationship to one another, opposing the same form of teaching in wording that is often identical. Both address Christians in general rather than a specific church or individual.
AUTHOR OF JUDE
The author of Jude identifies himself as “Jude … the brother of James” (Jude 1). The name Jude, also translated as “Judas,” belongs to several men in the New Testament. We know of only one, however, who had a brother named James. This Judas was brother of the James who led the church in Jerusalem, both men being brothers of Jesus (Mark 6:3; Matt 13:55). It is probably this Jude to which the letter refers.
Jude the brother of Jesus probably did not write the letter, since the author writes as if the apostles belonged to an earlier time (Jude 17–18) and speaks of “the faith” as a deposit of tradition passed down from former times, in a way reminiscent of second-century writings such as the Pastoral Epistles (Jude 3). Some later Jude may have written the letter, but more likely a later writer merely used the name of Jude, the brother of Jesus, in order to lend authority to the letter.
AUTHOR OF 2 PETER
Though the author of 2 Peter identifies himself as the apostle “Symeon Peter,” nearly all scholars doubt this claim.
In 1 and 2 Timothy and Titus, the author, writing as “Paul,” exhorts and instructs two of his younger co-workers, Timothy and Titus. These three letters have been called the “Pastoral Epistles,” because they deal with matters of concern to church leaders (pastors). The author is concerned to invest authority in church leaders who can combat divergent perspectives within the church.
AUTHOR
Though the author of the Pastorals writes as Paul, most scholars today doubt that Paul wrote them. Four aspects of the letters have raised doubts about Paul's authorship: their style and vocabulary, concepts, setting in the life of Paul, and depiction of church organization.
Style and vocabulary
The Pastorals share a common literary style and a common vocabulary, which differ from that of Paul's acknowledged letters. When compared with Paul's acknowledged letters, the Pastorals use a much larger proportion of words not found elsewhere in Paul. Not only words but also phrases differ. For example, the phrase “the saying is sure,” used five times in the Pastorals, appears nowhere else in Paul. The Pastorals further differ from Paul's (other) letters in the use of small linking words (“and,” “but,” “so,” etc.). While the difference in vocabulary might result from a difference in subject matter, the other stylistic differences could not be so explained.
Concepts
The Pastorals retain some of Paul's central ideas, such as Christ's coming to save sinners (1 Tim 1:15) and justification apart from works (Titus 3:5, 7).
Diodorus Siculus, The Library of History 4.1.4; 6.1.2
Diodorus Siculus explains how some men came to be considered gods because of their “benefactions” to humanity.
For very great and numerous deeds were performed by the heroes and demigods and many other good men. Since succeeding generations shared the benefits conferred by these men, they honored them, some with sacrifices appropriate for gods, others with sacrifices appropriate for heroes…
Concerning gods, then, the men of ancient times have passed down to later generations two conceptions. For some, they say, are eternal and imperishable, such as sun and moon and the other stars in the sky, and in addition to these, winds and the other things that happen to be of the same nature as these. For each of these has eternal origin and duration. Other gods, they say, were originally earthly humans but through their benefactions to humanity gained immortal honor and glory, such as Heracles, Dionysus, Aristaeus, and the others like them.
Divine natures sent from heaven
Eusebius, Treatise Against Hierocles 6
The Christian bishop Eusebius of Caesarea (264–349 ce) wrote a treatise against a book in which the Roman governor Hierocles had compared Jesus unfavorably with the divine man Apollonius of Tyana. In the course of his work, Eusebius expresses his version of an idea widely held in his day: that a “divine nature” from heaven from time to time comes to earth to become human.
Sometime in the early second century, Ignatius, the bishop of Antioch in Syria, was arrested and sent to Rome for execution as a Christian. On the way, he wrote at least seven letters to various churches and individuals. These letters reflect an ongoing conflict between Ignatius and other forms of Christianity, specifically Judaic and docetic. Ignatius emphasizes submission to the Proto-Orthodox bishop as the key to church unity.
HISTORICAL SETTING AND DATE
As Roman soldiers escorted Ignatius from Antioch through Asia Minor, he had the opportunity to speak to the church at Philadelphia. He then arrived in Smyrna, where he apparently remained for some time. There he was visited by bishops and other church leaders from Ephesus, Magnesia, and Tralles; and from there he wrote a letter to each of those churches. He also wrote a fourth letter to the church in Rome, his destination. From Smyrna, the soldiers took him to Troas, where he had time to write three more letters: to the churches at Philadelphia and Smyrna, and to Polycarp, bishop of the church at Smyrna. Thus his seven letters appeared in the following order: Ephesians, Magnesians, Trallians, Romans, Philadelphians, Smyrnaeans, Polycarp.
From Troas Ignatius sailed to Neapolis, the seaport of Philippi. There we lose track of him. Presumably he continued on to Rome and was executed there.
Eusebius, in his church history, placed Ignatius' martyrdom during the reign of Trajan, i.e. 98–117 (Ecclesiastical History 3.36). In another work he dated it more specifically to 107 or 108.
The Jewish historian Josephus, writing in the first century ce, left several important works, including The Jewish War and The Antiquities of the Jews. In both he describes the three main branches of Judaism in the first century ce, calling them “philosophies” with an eye to the Greek culture of his day. Josephus claims that as a youth, he became personally acquainted with all three groups. Though he eventually adopted the rules of the Pharisees, he devotes most of his description to the Essenes. The following passage on the Essenes is from Jewish War 2.119–61.
Three types of philosophy are taught among Jews. Adherents of the first are called Pharisees; those of the second, Sadducees.
In the third, which has a reputation for practicing solemnity, they are called Essenes. Jews by birth, they have more affection for one another than the others. They avoid the pleasures as a vice and regard self-control and not surrendering to the passions as a virtue. They hold marriage in contempt, but accepting the children of others while they are still easy to teach, they regard them as their kin and indoctrinate them with their customs. They do so not to abolish marriage and the reproduction that results from it, but to keep themselves from the wantonness of women, convinced that no woman keeps her pledge to one man.
They despise wealth. The sharing among them is amazing, and you will not find anyone among them who possesses more than another.
For an introduction to this Gospel see Chapter 15, pp. 237–39. The shorter version of the Gospel (Version B) is given here.
1:1 I, Thomas the Israelite, thought it necessary to inform all the brothers from the Gentiles about all the magnificent childhood deeds that our Lord Jesus Christ performed as he lived bodily in the city of Nazareth.
Jesus curses a child
2:1 When he came to the fifth year of his life, one day when there had been a rain, having left the house where his mother was, he was playing in the dirt, where water was flowing down. Where he made pools, the water came down, and the pools were filled with water. Then he said, “I want you to become pure and excellent water.” And immediately it became so. 2 A certain child of Annas the scribe came through. Picking up a willow branch, he messed up the pools with the branch, and the water poured out. Jesus turned and said to him, “Impious transgressor, how did the pools hurt you that you should empty them? You will not proceed on your way, but will wither away like the branch that you hold.” 3 Going on, after a little while he fell down and expired. When the children who were playing with him saw it, they were amazed and went and told the father of the dead child. He came running and found the child dead, and he went to Joseph complaining.
The book of Acts relates the transformation of Christianity from a Jewish sect into a world religion composed primarily of Gentiles. This transformation did not come easily. In the early days, many Jewish believers insisted that salvation belonged to the Jews. After all, God's promises in the scriptures were directed to Jews. Jesus himself was a Jew. As long as the gospel was confined to Jerusalem, no major challenge to this view arose. Once the message began to spread beyond Jerusalem, however, some of the Hellenists preached to Gentiles in Antioch (Acts 11:19–20). Apparently, the more conservative Judaic Christians had a hard time accepting this development. The story of Peter preaching to Cornelius in Acts 10–11 seeks to justify the Gentile mission to the more doubtful members of the community.
The problem, however, was not easily resolved. Some conservative Judaic Christians insisted that Gentiles had to become Jews in order to be saved: they had to be circumcised and keep the Law of Moses (Acts 15:1, 5). This requirement was the same as the requirement for Gentile converts to Judaism. In Judaism, individual Gentiles could enter the community of Israel by becoming “proselytes,” converts to Judaism. For Gentile males this involved being circumcised, and for all Gentile proselytes it involved keeping the Jewish Law. According to the Judaic Christians, this process of becoming a proselyte was still the way for Gentiles to become part of the people of God.
The Fourth Gospel presents a portrait of Jesus that differs radically from that of the Synoptics. It is the only Gospel in the New Testament that calls Jesus “God” and regards him as a preexistent being. Instead of concealing his identity as in Mark, Jesus openly proclaims it. Behind this portrait of Jesus stands a community that is intriguing for both its similarities to, and differences from, other Christian groups.
AUTHOR
Internal evidence
The Gospel of John speaks of an unnamed disciple called “the disciple whom Jesus loved.” This Beloved Disciple appears at least four times in the Gospel: at the Last Supper (13:21–26), the crucifixion (19:26–27, 34–35), the empty tomb (20:1–10), and in the Epilogue (21:1–8, 18–24).
The Epilogue connects the Beloved Disciple with the composition of the Gospel:
This is the disciple who is bearing witness to these things and who has written these things; and we know that his testimony is true.
(21:24)
Here an unidentified “we” speaks of the Beloved Disciple in the third person. The third person references to this disciple here and elsewhere show that he did not write the Gospel himself. He may have been the founder of the community in which the Gospel appeared, the source of the traditions that were ultimately incorporated into the Gospel.
During the Roman period, some Jews reconciled themselves to living under foreign domination. Others chafed under the yoke of Roman rule and hoped for independence. Different Jews envisioned this hope in different ways. Some advocated armed revolt against the Romans. Others waited for God to end the rule of foreign oppressors and establish his own rule over Israel. Still others looked for the coming of a human liberator, a king or some figure from Israel's past. While some expected life to continue as before, others expected a new age, far superior to the age in which they lived. In this chapter, we will examine some of the traditional Jewish hopes for the future and see how early Christianity adapted those traditions.
ESCHATOLOGY IN THE HEBREW PROPHETS
The Hebrew Bible, especially the prophetic writings, provided the source from which Jews derived hope for the appearance of various figures at the end of the age. These included Yahweh on his Day, the Davidic Messiah, the prophet like Moses, and Elijah the prophet.
The day of Yahweh
In some forms of Jewish hope, God himself would overthrow the enemies of Israel. The Hebrew prophets spoke of “the day of Yahweh” or “the day of the Lord.” Originally this concept did not refer to the end of the age, but to a time in history when God would punish a specific enemy of Israel. For example, Isaiah 13 presents the day of Yahweh as a time when Yahweh would destroy the Babylonian civilization.
While all Jews believed in one God and followed the Torah, great diversity existed with respect to other beliefs and practices. Such differences led to the formation of different religious groups, parties, or sects. Josephus described three main Jewish groups – the Pharisees, the Sadducees, and the Essenes – calling them “philosophies” with an eye to the Greek culture of his day. He also mentioned a “fourth philosophy” without giving it a name. In addition to the groups mentioned by Josephus were the Samaritans, who, though not Jews, practiced a form of the same religion. Also in the first century, at least two other branches of Judaism appeared: the followers of John the Baptist and the followers of Jesus. Most of the population belonged to none of these groups.
PHARISEES
Because of our limited information, it is difficult to describe the Pharisees precisely. Scholars have conceived of them variously as a religious sect, a political party, a group of legal scholars, or an association of laymen who ate together. According to Josephus, there were Pharisees as early as the time of the Hasmonean ruler John Hyrcanus (135–105 bce). They numbered about 6,000. Some Pharisees were priests, though apparently most were not. Some served as members of the Sanhedrin, the highest political and religious body in Judaism. Some were scribes, learned scholars of the Law. We do not know what other roles they may have filled in society, though Paul, a Pharisee who adopted Christianity, worked as a tentmaker.
The letters that we have examined in the last five chapters all reflect a conflict between Proto-Orthodoxy and some other perspective within the church. At this point we turn to another central concern of Proto-Orthodox literature: the relation of Christianity to Judaism.
First-century Judaism gave birth to several different movements: not only Rabbinic Judaism and Judaic Christianity, but also the Gentile Christian church. This Gentile movement inherited the Jewish scriptures, but since it did not follow the Jewish Law, it ultimately could not consider itself a form of Judaism. How did a Jewish mother give birth to this Gentile child? And how would this child now define its relationship to its mother?
We have already seen Paul and Luke grappling with these questions. Paul gave more than one answer. Sometimes he emphasized the discontinuity between the two groups, speaking of two distinct covenants: God had made an old covenant of slavery with the Jewish people, but a new covenant of freedom with Christians (Gal 4:24; 1 Cor 11:25; 2 Cor 3:6, 14). At other times he emphasized the continuity, picturing both groups as part of a single tree: both Jews and Gentiles were branches of the one tree, and even though some Jewish branches had been broken off to make room for the Gentiles, they would someday be grafted back in (Rom 11:13–24). Luke thought primarily in terms of succession: God had offered the gospel to the Jews, but they rejected it, so it went to the Gentiles.
The four letters of Philippians, Philemon, Colossians, and Ephesians have traditionally been called the “Prison Epistles,” because they imply that Paul wrote them while in prison (Phil 1:7, 12–18; Philem 1, 9, 10, 13, 23; Col 4:3; Eph 3:1, 4:1, 6:20). Scholars agree that Paul actually wrote Philippians and Philemon. Most doubt, however, that he wrote Colossians, and even more doubt that he wrote Ephesians. We will examine the acknowledged Prison Epistles in the present chapter, the disputed ones in the next.
COMPOSITION OF PHILIPPIANS
While some scholars argue that Philippians constitutes a single, unified letter, others think that it has been compiled from two or three letters or letter fragments. This conclusion is based on both internal and external evidence.
Internal evidence
Philippians seems to presuppose at least two different historical situations. In 4:10–19 Paul informs the Philippians, as if for the first time, that their messenger Epaphroditus had arrived with the gift that they sent. Philippians 2:25–30, however, seems to refer to a later time: the Philippians already know not only that Epaphroditus had reached Paul, but also that he had fallen sick and nearly died and that he had subsequently recovered.
Philippians also contains abrupt transitions and more than one conclusion. The letter proceeds smoothly down to 3:1, where it begins to conclude: “Finally, my brothers…” Instead of concluding, however, it shifts subjects abruptly and continues for another chapter down to 4:7.
If we gave a prize to Paul's most incomprehensible letter, 2 Corinthians would probably win it. Even seasoned readers of Paul's letters come away from this one with little enlightenment. Part of the problem lies in the fact that we have little idea of the letter's historical context. Paul is responding to one or more conflicts between himself and other parties at Corinth, but, other than what we can infer from the letter, we have no idea who those parties were or precisely what the fuss was about. The other part of the problem lies in the fact that the letter seems to be composite. An editor apparently put it together from several distinct components. These can be recognized from the abrupt changes of tone, interruptions in the flow of thought, and inconsistencies between different parts of the letter.
COMPONENTS OF 2 CORINTHIANS
How many different documents went to make up 2 Corinthians? Expert opinions range from one to five. I will take the view that the letter has at least three components: a conciliatory letter, a letter fragment, and part of a severe letter.
A conciliatory letter (1:1–6:13; 7:2–9:15) In these chapters, Paul rejoices that a conflict between himself and the Corinthian church has been resolved. He speaks of a painful visit that he had made to Corinth (2:1) and a letter that he had written with tears (2:1–4; 7:8–12).
The Gospel of Luke must be studied both as a Synoptic Gospel and as the first volume of a two-volume work called “Luke–Acts.” Unlike Matthew, Luke wrote for a Gentile audience, trying to explain how Christianity became a primarily Gentile movement. More than any other Gospel, it shows a concern for the underprivileged members of society.
AUTHOR OF LUKE–ACTS
The same person wrote the Gospel of Luke and the book called “Acts.” Each book begins with a preface addressed to someone named “Theophilus,” and the preface in Acts refers back to the former volume (Luke 1:1–4; Acts 1:1–2). The first volume relates the story of Jesus from his birth to his ascension to heaven; the second volume picks up with the ascension and chronicles the beginnings of the early Christian church. In the present order of the canon, the first volume has been separated from its sequel in order to place it with the other Synoptic Gospels. Together Luke–Acts makes up about 28 percent of the New Testament, the largest contribution by a single author.
Since Luke–Acts nowhere explicitly identifies its author, we are dependent on internal evidence from the literature itself and on church tradition for clues to his identity.
Internal evidence provides two clues. First, the author was probably well educated, since his Greek style and vocabulary is the most literary in the New Testament. Second, the author makes an implicit claim to have traveled with the apostle Paul.