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The history of Egypt in the decade after Actium well illustrates the major features of the Augustan frontier strategy. In describing the details of the business handled by means of the bureaucratic structures, it is convenient to make a conventional division between the military, financial and judicial administration but it should be emphasized that there are in practice very few rigid lines of demarcation; the application of law and the administration of justice, in particular, pervades every area of bureaucratic activity in a way which modern notions of administration and jurisdiction tend to obfuscate. An attempt at a brief description of Egyptian economic and social institutions and practices under the early Roman Empire has to proceed from a somewhat conjectural base. The fact that official terminology marked out the great city of Alexandria as separate from the Egyptian chora indicates the justification for giving it special attention.
The period covered in this volume begins a year and a half after the death of Iulius Caesar and closes at the end of A.D. 69, more than a year after the death of Nero, the last of the Julio-Claudian emperors. His successors, Galba, Otho and Vitellius had ruled briefly and disappeared from the scene, leaving Vespasian as the sole claimant to the throne of empire. This was a period which witnessed the most profound transformation in the political configuration of the res publica. In the decade after Caesar's death constitutional power was held by Caesar's heir Octavian, Antony and Lepidus as tresviri rei publicae constituendae. Our narrative takes as its starting-point 27 November 43 B.C., the day on which the Lex Titia legalized the triumviral arrangement, a few days before the death of Cicero, which was taken as a terminal point by the editors of the new edition of Volume IX. By 27 B.C, five years after the expiry of the triumviral powers, Octavian had emerged as princeps and Augustus, and in the course of the next forty years he gradually fashioned what was, in all essentials, a monarchical and dynastic rule which, although passed from one dynasty to another, was to undergo no radical change until the end of the third century of our era.
Herod to some extent presented himself as a Jewish monarch, and for some Romans his family were seen as representative of Jewry. But his rule over Judaea was inaugurated in 40 B. C and preserved until c. 4 B. C almost entirely at the behest of Rome. Herod was granted the throne of Judaea and Samaria by the triumvirs with the support of the Senate in autumn 40 BC Apart from the brief period (AD 41-4) when Agrippa I reigned, the same kind of Roman administration remained in force until AD 66, when a great rebellion led first to the establishment of an independent Jewish state and then to the fall of that state in an orgy of violence. The most important factor in the development of, and growth of tensions within, Judaean society in the first centuries B. C and AD was the economic role of the Jerusalem Temple.
Africa's land and food continued to excite Roman interest. It is hard to believe that the war between Tacfarinas and Rome, which eventually developed in AD 17 and lasted until AD 24 was a serious threat to Roman power in Africa. The emperor Gaius has been credited with two important changes in north Africa: the separation of the army under its legatus from the province of Africa; and the ending of the independent status of Mauretania. Cruel execution of Africans was a reputation gained by Nero's last legionary legate in AD 68. Colonies, communities and corn were the informing principles of Roman imperialism in Africa. The social and political benefits of the Augustan system for the elite had already become apparent in the Julio-Claudian period. Under Tiberius a citizen of Musti, L. Iulius Crassus, reached equestrian status and under Vespasian the first known African consuls, Q. Aurelius Pactumeius Fronto of Cirta and his brother Clemens, were created.
This chapter discusses the management of the imperial finances and the imperial coinage and its production. The collection of imperial indirect taxes continued in the early Principate as in the Republic to be farmed out to publicani. The relative value to the imperial government of indirect as against direct taxes is impossible to assess, but they were probably crucial to the imperial finances. The imperial patrimonium passed from emperor to emperor as part of the office rather than through normal inheritance, as is patent in the cases of the emperors from Otho to Vespasian but was perhaps first recognized on Gaius' accession, whereas no consul, for example, inherited his predecessor's personal fortune. The stability of Roman taxation at a level which was low for each community as a whole is often used to help explain the acceptance and support of Roman rule by the upper classes of the provinces.
Roman social patterns and life must be seen against the mosaic of the empire. Economic distinctions modify the pattern imposed by constitutional function or legal status. The most striking fact about society is the gap between rich and poor. The two themes of Romans who reflected on the twenty years after the murder of Caesar were social disruption and moral decay. Contemporary analysis of social problems focused on morality. Imperial liberti provide a striking illustration of the difference the Principate made to Roman society. The Principate brought improved roads, made safer from brigands, sea-lanes at risk from weather rather than pirates. Society changed between 44 BC and AD 69. Some developments, such as the improved right of succession given to women, seem to have happened because views of the family continued to move further away from patriarchy and emphasis on agnatic relationships. The social structure of the ruling elite survived the Julio-Claudian period, but its membership and tone were transformed.
In the view of the large majority of the population, the new trends in the administration of justice were undoubtedly 'progress'. It is best to start with the city of Rome, as the administration of justice there is best known, and with civil jurisdiction. Jurisdiction in Italy in the last century BC was shaped mainly by the consequences of the Social War, when all communities up to the Rubicon became citizen towns. The governor used formulary jurisdiction as did the praetor at Rome. The introduction of one-man rule affected the different branches of the administration of justice in different ways. In Italy jurisdiction in the municipia and coloniae went on as before. Criminal justice in Italian towns probably declined even earlier than civil jurisdiction. In the provinces the jurisdictional duties of the governor became more and more important as the waging of wars became the exception.
The Pentecostal scene in Jerusalem, as depicted in Acts 2:9ff, has Peter preaching to Jews who have gathered in Jerusalem from the Diaspora. Antioch is depicted by Paul as well as by the author of Acts as the fons et origo of 'Gentile Christianity': here the process of Christian self-identification is declared to have its beginning. Some sort of control over the estimate of the social spread of Christianity in the generation between the thirties and the sixties might be sought in the onomastics of the Pauline connexion, from an examination of the sixty-six named individuals in the genuinely Pauline documents or of the full register of some ninety-seven names if one includes in the tally the pastorals as well. All known is that Claudius 'expelled from Rome Jews who were causing continual disturbances at the instigation of Chrestus'. Tacitus is the original source to connect the fire of Rome under Nero with Christians.
Sardinia and Corsica were culturally very distinct from Sicily. Greek influence in both islands was negligible, but in Sardinia there was a considerable legacy of Carthaginian culture in the principal cities of the west coast, which had started life as Phoenician foundations. Both islands received a generally bad press from Roman writers. The importance of Sardinian grain to Italy is highlighted by the events of 40-58 BC. In the provincial reorganization of 27 BC Sardinia and Corsica were reckoned peaceful enough to be made, like Sicily, a province of the Roman people, administered as a single unit under a proconsular governor. Corsica in particular remained largely undeveloped throughout antiquity, and we can sympathize with Seneca's gloom about what he saw as a dismal place of exile. Sardinia's economic importance lay of course, as already noted, in grain. Away from the coastal regions and the main towns, Romanization made little impact under Augustus or the Julio-Claudians.
By
Joyce Reynolds, Fellow of Newnham College, and Emeritus Reader in Roman Historical Epigraphy in the University of Cambridge,
J. A. Lloyd, Lecturer in Archaeology in the University of Oxford, and Fellow of Wolf son College
Ancient accounts of the country are schematic and principally concerned with the Cyrene area but they show some appreciation of the configuration and its effects. The ancient sources encourage belief that the Cyrenaicans were all Greeks or Greco-Romans; but the indigenous Libyan population was large and a significant element in regional history. In the early second century BC, there had been four Greek cities, Cyrene, Ptolemais, Teuchira and Berenice. Between the early second century and 67 BC a fifth, Apollonia was created through promotion of Cyrene's main port; and since Hellenistic royal creations were normally given dynastic names it is possible that this was due to Roman intervention. After the Marmaric War, reconstruction in the cities was taken in hand quickly. Among dedications, the city's large marble altar for the cult of Gaius and Lucius Caesar in the agora is a notable, and surely costly, demonstration of the point.
The quality of senatorial membership concerned Augustus, as well as its size. As his conduct of the reviews in 29 and 18 BC demonstrated, he was determined to rid the Senate of members who were immoral, irresponsible, or lacking means. From that time all members had to be worth at least one million sesterces rather than just showing the modest equestrian census of 400,000, which was all that had previously been required. He appreciated the strain which would result, and over the years did help both worthy existing members who could not show the increased amount, and many prospective entrants. Among Augustus' Julio-Claudian successors similar assistance is known to have been given by Tiberius and by Nero. It should be stressed that the growth of all the equestrian posts was as much an unco-ordinated response to immediate problems as in the case of the senatorial appointments.