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The truth about line 70 was public property as far back as Plathner, who is quoted by Ruperti (ad loc. in his edition of 1818), but modern editors shy away from it and, with a perverse unanimity, print the accusative rubetam. Not only must viro then be taken with sitiente as an ablative absolute, in spite of the proximity of porrectura, but there is no internal coherence in the relative clause. R. Beer (Spicilegium luvenalis, 1885, pp. 59-60) put his finger on the nerve of the matter: ‘possumus quidem miscere vinum, miscere venenum, sed si mulier vinum porrigit interea venenum miscet, non vino immiscet, nihil inest periculi viro.’ All is resolved once the proper force of sitiente is recognized: it qualifies rubeta and means sitim faciente, ‘parching’.
IN a discussion of the reading in Lucan i. 231, Richard Bentley dismissed Grotius's suggestion Ariminon: ignes on the correct grounds that, like Virgil, Lucan avoids starting a new sentence or clause at the beginning of the sixth foot of the hexameter, except with a pair of monosyllables (as in 6. 700, per quam) or with a word emphasized either by repetition (as in 7. 350, ipsi … ipsi) or by a strong contrast (as in Cicero, Arat. 266, hic totus medius circo disiungitur: ille… —the only example of this sort of break in Cicero's poetical fragments).
Mr. E. Courtney (Phoenix xxi [1967], 49) adopts Ellis's defence of repetitque, argues convincingly as a consequence that sed must be replaced by a verb, and claims: ‘That verb can hardly have been any other than stat.’ He continues : ‘This will mean that Charon's boat, having ferried across the young, does not remain tied up at the quay forgetful of the old, but goes back for them.’ The difficulty of que in the sense of sed in the line as reconstituted is defended by a reference to Housman's note on Manilius, 1. 877. Still, the proposed line, non oblita tamen stat, repetitque senes, does not seem to be clear without a pause after stat, so that the reader will construe non with stat but not with repetit. This gives a very awkward rhythm indeed.
To the modern student of fourth-century Greece nothing at first sight seems so surprising as the almost kaleidoscopic changes in relations between Greek cities, especially in the fourth century. Mortal enemies become allies suddenly, and alliances, though made for all time, are rapidly dissolved. In his old age Sophocles had summed up the harsh experience of a lifetime in words that might serve as an epigraph for the mutability of Greek ‘international’ politics.
Ovid's knowledge of the law was first discussed in 1811 by J. van Iddekinge. This was pioneer work; unfortunately it was antiquated almost at once by the discovery of the Verona codex of Gaius in 1816, and in any case Van Iddekinge exaggerated, as pioneers will, certain aspects of his subject. That Ovid was deeply learned in the law—“juris scientia consultissimus”—can hardly be demonstrated and will not be maintained in this paper. If legal words and ideas crop up not infrequently in his poetry, the same is true of, for instance, Propertius. One fact, however, distinguishes Ovid from the other Roman love-poets who drew on the sphere of law for metaphor and illustration, his attested practical experience of legal matters. It was part of the elegist's credo to despise official, established values and occupations, all the activity summed up in that most Roman word, negotium. But Ovid's father, as he tells us, was ambitious for his son, and pointed out that poetry was all very well but that there was no money in it; and in spite of his dislike of business the future poet of the Metamorphoses was embarked on the initial stages of an official career. It was not long before the tuta otia of literature reclaimed him, but in the interval he had figured in several capacities connected with the administration of the law.