This chapter explores the ways that films are structured and the theories that inform those structures in terms of what is recognised as traditional film-editing practice. It focuses on situations where the editing largely follows alternations in the dialogue. Any considerations of the way that dialogue is edited must begin by acknowledging that the structuring methods that editors use to reveal the essential meanings within a set of dialogue exchanges have changed hardly at all since the early 1930s; certainly by 1932 the fundamentals were widely understood. In most instances the performances given during a series of dialogue exchanges will be those determined by the actors during rehearsals of the scene and accepted by the director at the time of shooting. For the purposes of analysis, it will be helpful to examine the verbal and the visual elements of a series of dialogue exchanges separately.

Devised by a Conservative government, dispersal was finally introduced by a Labour government, under Harold Wilson (1964–70). This chapter analyses the national, broad framework to the introduction of dispersal, via White Papers, government publications and ministerial circulars. It investigates the various structural shortcomings to dispersal, such as the absence of a definition of ‘immigrant children’, the unscientific claim that when a schools had more than 30% immigrant children dispersal should be introduced, the difficulties involved in introducing ethnic statistics of immigrant children in schools, lastly the ministerial racial myopia which failed to anticipate the fact that Asian children would face racial bullying in white schools.

Development studies and related practice have been structured by a duality that can be characterised as ‘big D’ and ‘little d’ development (or the dominant discourse and counter-discourses of development). Neither side has adopted pragmatism in any significant way despite the extent to which it can bring important insights to bear, and in this chapter we highlight the value of pragmatism’s (1) non-relativist anti-foundationalism, (2) dynamic and process-oriented approach to social reality, (3) experimentationalism for progress, and (4) deep, creative and radical democracy. We explore the relevance of these principles in providing new directions for development studies. Building on participatory, popular and indigenous ideas about development, we advocate a pragmatic approach to development, considering spaces of transaction, emergence and learning, and an orientation towards practice, deep democracy and social hope. We draw on a number of Iranian examples to illustrate our argument about the epistemological, ontological, practical and political relevance of the philosophy of pragmatism for development studies and practice.

This chapter discusses seven films Battleship Potemkin, Strike, October, Mother, End of St Petersburg, Earth, and Arsenal, which were made in the Soviet Union during the 1920s and early 1930s. The importance of cinema as a revolutionary tool was officially recognised during a conference of workers' educational organisations in September 1917 in Russia. There, a resolution was passed that the cinema must be used to promote the development of class-consciousness in the cause of furthering the revolution. In May 1922, the first of a series of monthly film journals, Kino-Pravda appeared. The production of this series of twenty-three newsreel Film editing documentaries was undertaken by Dziga Vertov. The absence of raw film stock compelled the film students towards experiment with the restructuring of existing films, and it was within the context of this kind of experimentation that emphasis was given to the idea that became the basis of montage theory.

Fusing theories of citizenship, postcolonial studies, active reading, and queer theory, chapter 1 offers a starting point in exploring how reading is a powerful tool that can be mobilised in service of civic struggles for recognition, rights, and representation. Since the terms ‘queer’ and ‘citizenship’ may seem paradoxical, this chapter offers a brief history of citizenship theory, before moving on to consider how queer theory and citizenship studies can intersect to consolidate the idea of an ‘act of citizenship’. Finally, it explores the importance of postcolonial theory, active reading practices, and reader-response theory in constituting a civic subject in a participatory democracy, capable of engaging in radical acts of citizenship.

This chapter analyses the different forms that dispersal took in the Local Education Authorities that introduced it besides Ealing (Southall) and Bradford. Blackburn presented a specific case in the sense that multiracial neighbourhoods were often situated near voluntary-aided schools, either Anglican or Roman Catholic. The problem was compounded by the activism of the National Front locally. Huddersfield and Halifax presented more ordinary cases, like West Bromwich, although in Huddersfield and West Bromwich the large proportion of (Anglophone) West Indian pupils made dispersal look more like an anomaly. Halifax put an end to bussing only in 1986–87. In Leicester, it was only the sudden influx of Ugandan Asians in 1972–73 which made the local authorities reluctantly introduce dispersal. In Bristol, the form dispersal took was radically different from elsewhere, and barely deserves the name. Lastly, the local situations of Wolverhampton, Walsall, Smethwick, Hounslow, Luton, Croydon and Dewsbury are presented.

Although not immigrants, the experiences of Travellers – an Irish ethnic minority who have experienced intergenerational racism and discrimination – contextualise the kinds of barrier potentially faced by some immigrants included in this book, particularly in light of the failure of the Irish state to address their experiences as outsiders. A child born to Traveller parents in 2016 is three and a half times less likely to reach their first birthday, and if he or she survives, can expect to live up to fifteen years less than a child born to settled parents. This child ismore likely to develop chronic health conditions, suffer from poor mental health and die by suicide. Health inequalities are indicators of larger social relations that produce asymmetrical differences. They are historically, politically, socially and culturally constructed. In order to understand how Traveller health continues to be phenomenally poorer than that of the settled community, this chapter will examine how mainstream and targeted policies and services have failed to meaningfully address Traveller health inequalities in Ireland. It argues that mainstreaming approaches to health, whereby service providers are ‘oblivious’ to difference, further excludes Travellers from services as they are rendered invisible and their particular needs remain overlooked.

In the 1880s, Alexander Graham Bell feared that deafpeople’s intermarriage might lead to a deaf race. Inthe early 2000s, geneticist Walter Nance feared, onthe contrary, that genetic technology might begenocidal for Deaf culture. These two figures markthe beginning and the end point of this culturalhistory of hereditary deafness research. In thecentury between, scientists made immense progress inidentifying the genetic mechanisms underlying theinheritance of deafness. They uncovered that therewere not only one or two responsible genes, buthundreds of different forms and syndromes. Yet thereis a twist in this simple story of progress. What itmeans to carry one of the genes for deafness, andwhat should be done about it, differed and differsgreatly. What has influenced these perceptionsduring the past century and what is at stake inresearching genetic deafness? How, during the pastcentury, have ideas about disability, difference,and citizenship changed, where did eugenics end,and, perhaps, neo-eugenics begin, and what do genesmean for our identity?