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En la segunda década del siglo XXI, varios países latinoamericanos vivieron un ciclo de movilizaciones que antecedió a campañas presidenciales marcadas por la disputa entre candidaturas de izquierdas y derechas. En algunos casos, los actores que participaron de los estallidos respaldaron a candidatos de izquierda; en otros, no. Con base en esta variación este artículo analiza los factores que incidieron en ese apoyo en Ecuador, Perú, Chile y Colombia (2021–2022). Se plantea que dicho respaldo depende de la inclusión programática de sus reivindicaciones y de las estrategias de cooperación o conflicto con las candidaturas. El análisis se desarrolla a través de un rastreo de procesos, utilizando una revisión documental de prensa, programas de gobierno y comunicados. Se concluye que los conflictos endógenos y exógenos entre actores movilizados y candidaturas presidenciales son el factor más relevante para explicar el apoyo o rechazo hacia coaliciones de izquierda.
The idea of a social contract as the source of legitimate political authority has played a key role in the development of liberal political thought since the seventeenth century. This chapter provides a brief overview of the social contract tradition and of feminist critiques, and explores the ambiguity of this tradition for feminist theory. In particular, it discusses how feminist theory might take the social contract seriously by analysing it in the multiple contexts of unequal power that derive not from an initial baseline of equality but from historical relations based on force and fraud. After a brief overview of social contract theory, the chapter focuses on Carole Pateman's influential feminist work The Sexual Contract and the debates which it has generated. It then considers the relationship between the sexual and racial contracts.
This chapter discusses recent feminist work on time, and finds that this represents an important contribution to political analysis which has had a significant, although limited, impact on mainstream political theory and practice. It briefly surveys self-conscious reflections by mainstream political theorists on the political significance of time, along with that of some sociologists, anthropologists and historians. The chapter discusses feminist ideas on the relevance of history and temporal location. It considers in more detail about feminist contributions that are concerned with time cultures and the distribution of work and leisure time. What feminism can bring to the concept of time is the double insistence that it is a central political concept and that its analysis has particular relevance for women. Feminism sees that time is politically important as a scarce resource alongside and interacting with status, money and power.
This chapter examines the concept of empowerment, in development/political discourse and practice, from the conventional 'malestream' conceptualisation to a feminist perspective on the term. Using Nigeria as a case study, it assesses some of the strategies that have been used to empower women. The chapter explores feminist contributions to the empowerment debate and the implementation of associated practices, and argues that the conventional approaches are inadequate because they often are too mechanistic and too focused on goals and not on the dynamics of the process. It takes as its starting point the conceptualisation of empowerment as a process of providing women with the tools and resources needed to live independent, productive and dignified lives. However, the chapter questions the notion of power as something to be given and it argues that the feminist perspective provides a more dynamic and effective approach to the understanding of empowerment.
Development is a contested concept and is subject to multiple uses and definition in both academic and practitioner communities. This chapter explores the main feminist contributions to the study of development and assesses their impact on contemporary mainstream development practice and discourse. It begins by providing a brief review of the concept of development and some of the key themes that are considered within the field of development studies. The chapter then reviews the mainstream of development theory in the 1950s and 1960s, demonstrating that these were, by and large, focused primarily on the male experience of development. It considers the emergence of feminist development theory in the 1970s and 1980s, focusing in particular on the contribution of the 'Women in Development' (WID), Women and Development' (WAD) and 'Gender and Development' (GAD) approaches. The extent of feminist interventions' impact on the mainstream of development theory and practice has been uneven.
Until quite recently, Western political theory almost completely ignored women and gender issues; this neglect was largely unremarked, and there were few feminist academics in the discipline. This book aims to examine a range of concepts in the light of feminist critiques, to consider whether they may need to be reconstituted in the light of these critiques and to assess the impact of feminist debates on mainstream thought. It provides a balance between 'classic' political concepts and those that are being currently developed by feminist theorists, and to reflect the interconnections between the various sub-fields of politics as a discipline. Rationality, social contract and sovereignty were obvious choices as the starting point for much Western political thought since the Enlightenment. Citizenship, representation, democracy and democratisation and development were chosen not just for their centrality to political theorising and analysis but also for their centrality to the practice of politics today.
Sovereignty involves the self-government of the individual. The concept of sovereignty is often linked to male violence and domination. This chapter makes the case for reconstructing the concept in a feminist manner. The author tries to reconstruct sovereignty so that it becomes a momentum concept, a concept with an egalitarian potential that is infinite in character. Feminists have generally been critical of the state, and particularly those aspects of the state linked to force and repression. It is the association between state and sovereignty that causes many feminists to see sovereignty as an idea of domination and repression. Feminists have rightly challenged the abstract character of liberalism, and its notion of the abstract individual. Feminists have often been unwilling to extend their critical approach to the state and to the question of sovereignty, but the reconstruction of the concept of sovereignty flows from the logic of feminist analysis.
This chapter outlines the feminist contribution to an important part of the reconceptualisation of rationality. It describes the feminist critique of the mainstream conception of rationality. The chapter focuses on rethinking rationality in the context of the process and practice of theorising and what counts as philosophical knowledge, by challenging the malestream denial of a constructive link between reason and emotion, and by analysing the relation between them. It examines the range of meanings of the terms 'reason' and 'emotion' and demonstrates the wide and traditionally unacknowledged scope of the connections between them. The chapter also shows, on the basis of the feminist critique and perspective, three of the key ways in which emotions play an important role in the operation of the idea of rationality in knowledge and theorising.
From a feminist perspective, traditional conceptions of representation seem insufficient and unsatisfactory. This chapter begins with a discussion of Hanna Pitkin's The Concept of Representation (1967). This seminal book discusses and draws on the contributions of some of the 'great men' of political theory. Pitkin's work has structured subsequent mainstream and feminist discussions. In this chapter, Pitkin's ideas are subjected to the following question: what do her differing conceptions of representation, and especially her preferred definition, offer to discussions of women's political presence? The chapter then turns to feminist engagements with the concept of representation, with Anne Phillips's work without doubt the most influential contribution. It closes with a discussion of feminist political scientists' empirical research into the complicated relationship between women's descriptive and substantive representation in practice. The chapter advocates a shift away from a focus on when, to a focus on how, the substantive representation of women occurs.
The first to apply abolitionist theory from international perspectives to social work, this book explores whether social work can embrace radical change while operating within state structures.
This book begins in 1934, when the brutal Soviet dictator Joseph Stalin enacts sodomy laws, unleashing a wave of brutal detentions of homosexual men in large Soviet cities. It then recounts the individual stories of people whose lives were directly affected by Stalin’s decision to outlaw male homosexuality. This varied cast includes a naive Scottish journalist based in Moscow who dares to write to Stalin attempting to free his lover from detention, and a homosexual theatre student who comes to Moscow in pursuit of his dreams amid Stalin’s harsh repressions and mass arrests. A fearless doctor in Siberia provides medical treatment for gay men at his own peril, while a much-loved Soviet singer hides his homosexuality from the secret police. A polarising and wily KGB officer goes on the run, in pursuit of sex with men, yet willing to betray them if it helps to resurrect his career. The book also paints the poignant picture of a young returning Soviet diplomat who has contracted a strange new immune disease in Tanzania and his journey to discover the truth. All these stories are true, based on real people and carefully researched. Each vignette helps paint the hitherto unknown picture of how Soviet oppression of gay people actually originated and was perpetuated, from Stalin’s rule until the demise of the USSR. And again recently, under Putin’s rule, homophobia is again on the rise."
An insider perspective of how LGBTQ+ civil society organisations influenced Irish public policy between 1993, the year when homosexuality was decriminalised, and 2015, when both marriage equality and progressive gender recognition legislation were introduced.
Andy Spinoza came to Manchester as a student in the late 1970s and has lived in the city ever since. Working as a journalist, a publisher and a ‘PR supremo’, he has observed the vast changes wrought by local councils, national governments, quangos and institutions, as well as the people of Manchester – and Salford – themselves. Manchester unspun begins in the post-industrial gloom of a city still bearing the scars of the Second World War and ends among the shiny towers of an aspiring twenty-first-century metropolis. Spinoza recounts the city’s recent history through his dealings with council leaders Sir Richard Leese and Sir Howard Bernstein, football icons Sir Alex Ferguson, Pep Guardiola, David Beckham and Gary Neville, developers Tom Bloxham and Carol Ainscow and cultural figures such as Tony Wilson, Peter Saville, Lemn Sissay, Caroline Aherne and Mick Hucknall. The book is an insider’s tale of deals done, government and corporate decision-making, nightclubs, music and entrepreneurs.
Since publication of the first edition, awareness of, and interest in, adolescent-to-parent abuse has risen considerably. This second edition provides a comprehensive overview of the key issues and current responses to the challenges in dealing with this unique form of family abuse.
The ‘baby boom’ generation, born between the 1940s and the 1960s, is often credited with pioneering new and creative ways of relating, doing intimacy and making families. With this cohort of men and women in Britain now entering mid and later life, they are also said to be revolutionising the experience of ageing. Are the romantic practices of this ‘revolutionary cohort’ breaking with tradition and allowing new ways of understanding and doing ageing and relating to emerge? Based on an innovative combination of ethnographic fieldwork in salsa classes and life history interviews, this book documents the meanings of desire and romance, and ‘new’ – or renewed – intimacies, among women in mid and later life. Beginning with women at a transition point, when they were newly single or newly dating in midlife, the chapters look back over life histories at prior relationship experiences in different life stages, engage with the fine grain of navigating the terrain of dating and repartnering in midlife, and look forward to hopes for future intimacies. Fieldwork in salsa classes demonstrates the sensory, sensual and affective nature of heteronormativity whilst biographical interviews show how femininity is informed by memories of the past, of the generations that came before and class-based desires. Making important contributions to our understanding of ageing, intimacy and gender, this book illuminates the intersections of age, class and white normativity in romance and desire. We see how rather than being revolutionary, a pervasive concern with being respectable throughout the lifecourse endured.
This book takes common themes in popular music and analyses them through a harms-based critical criminology of music. It analyses the sexism and homophobia of the music industry but also the role of music in bringing hope, whether on a personal or political level worldwide.