The caribou/wild reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) has been a major resource for many human populations in northern North America and Eurasia for tens of thousands of years. The species is generally represented by prehistorians as providing an ample, easily exploited, and highly reliable resource base for humans. In this paper a number of specific assumptions leading to this view are examined in the light of new data on North American caribou and caribou-hunting Eskimo groups. The conventional picture is found to be largely untenable.

"Stela Stealing" has reached such momentous proportions that if something is not done immediately it will be too late to save remaining monuments. Of the 50 archaeological sites in Guatemala and Mexico at which I have recorded monuments in the past 7 years, 18 have either had stelae removed by thieves just prior to my arrival, or "in-process sawing" was taking place at the time of my investigations. Monuments are being stolen in jungle areas. Two important effects will be felt. First, archaeological investigations will be hindered, and second, a source of tourist income for affected countries will be jeopardized. Lives of archaeologists are already in jeopardy, as indicated by incidents in the Peten during the past several years. Part of this paper was read at the annual meeting of the Society for American Archaeology in Norman, Oklahoma, 6 May 1971.

Archaeology must come to grips with the basic philosophical problems of science. With this premise in mind, we welcome the recent article on explanation by Fritz and Plog (1970) and offer a review and critique of it with the following points: (1) The D-N model of explanation is not the exclusive explanatory system in science and is in fact subject to extensive discussion and criticism in several areas of science; (2) archaeologists have not employed laws commonly in the past but rather deductive reasoning based on assumed premises; (3) the use of laws in explanation may reduce archaeology to a science of historical exemplification; (4) the research design presented by Fritz and Plog may be modified to include concern for hypothesis formulation, variable identification in the archaeological context, and the interplay of hypotheses and data throughout excavation and analysis; (5) the Meehan system paradigm explanatory model is presented as an alternative to the D-N model; (6) what archaeologists try to explain is relevant to the nature of the explanation.

The relationships between the social development in the upper Lurin valley and an expanding Early Intermediate period Lima state are examined. Internally, population growth and irrigation complexity progress together in the Lurin. Warfare, although not directly caused by population expansion, may function to regulate population. With irrigation and population expansion, a local social stratification originates but political control remains highly dispersed. A centralized control is only initiated by the external introduction of direct dominance by the Lima state.

A preliminary study of the form and fracture patterns of sheep metatarsals from Jaguar Cave is used to illustrate a method for the quantitative analysis of primitive bone fracturing techniques. Criteria of form, fracture, and function are defined and weighted, on the basis of experiments with green bone, and the aid of computers is enlisted to process the archaeological specimens via these criteria. The data is searched for: a. the definition of a technique of intentional fracture, b. the formation of classes of intentionally fractured and retouched bone fragments, and c. the identification of statistically perfect tools and not-tools, determined by higher or lower correlations of weighted sums. Conclusions are drawn from the analysis of the Jaguar Cave bone and bone from other early collections. The application of linear decision theory to the analysis of bone fractures was first attempted in a Ph.D. dissertation (Sadek-Kooros 1966), and a shorter version of the present paper was read at the Thirty-Fourth Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, on May 2, 1969.

The standard typology of Owasco pottery from New York State is examined. This typology is ostensibly based on Krieger's definition of a type as a consistently recurring combination of attributes. The application of statistical techniques suggested by Spaulding, Sackett, and others as appropriate to the discovery of such types revealed that the standard Owasco typology does not exist in Krieger's terms. This typology, however, has been a reliable spatial and temporal indicator for many years. The real, underlying logic and foundations for this typology were therefore sought through a careful inspection of the actual type definitions. This made it clear that the definition and recognition of these pottery types depend on 2 important but unstated principles, the existence of a hierarchy of importance among attributes and the shifting of defining criteria from type to type. Krieger's definition of a type is thus seen to be inappropriate here and a type is recognized to be defined by proceeding through a hierarchical, "tree-type" series of decisions. Statistical procedures appropriate to discovering types according to this definition are developed, and their application to the Owasco material is seen to come close to duplicating the original typology. Such a tree-type structure based on the 2 principles just outlined closely resembles cultural classifications elicited by ethnologists. It is suggested therefore that the attribute association or "Spaulding" approach and the currently popular techniques of numerical taxonomy will not work for establishing space-time reflective types, not because the techniques are not well developed, but because the basic concept or definition of such a type on which they are based is inappropriate.

The cultural aspect of the processes responsible for forming the archaeological record is argued to be an underdeveloped branch of archaeological theory. A flow model is presented by which to view the "life history" or processes of systemic context of any material element. This model accounts for the production of a substantial portion of the archaeological record. The basic processes of this model are: procurement, manufacture, use, maintenance, and discard. Refuse labels the state of an element in archaeological context. The spatial implications of the model suggest a largely untapped source of behavioral information. Differential refuse disposal patterns are examined as they affect artifact location and association. The meaning of element relative frequencies in refuse is discussed.

The total variability in archaeological material derives from at least 4 different sources: technological, functional, stylistic, and random variation. Different attributes may be needed to quantify each aspect of the total variability, and the particular attributes that the archaeologist singles out for analysis will determine, to a large extent, the utility and validity of any subsequent typology. At present, there is relatively little theory to aid in the selection of the attributes most appropriate for a particular archaeological problem. In the analysis of prehistoric flake stone tools, the technology of flake production falls largely within the realm of the natural sciences; thus, technological variability is perhaps that aspect of the total variability for which suitable theory may be most readily developed.

Flake production can be divided into 2 distinct processes, percussion flaking and pressure flaking, on the basis of the duration of the applied force. The fracture processes involved in these 2 types of flake production are sufficiently different to warrant a separate treatment of each. Attention is focused specifically on percussion flaking because this process appears to have been the predominant mode of flake production throughout most of human prehistory and, at present, it remains poorly understood.

It is found that a percussion flake is detached from a core largely by a process known as spalling, the fracture produced by the reflection of a stress wave at the free surface of the core adjacent to the striking platform. The thickness of a flake is a function largely of 4 impact parameters and 2 constants of the material: the shape, intensity, and wavelength of the stress wave emanating from the point of impact, the angle of incidence of the stress wave on the free face of the core, the critical impact strength of the material in tension, and an elastic property of the material. Other attributes of flake size such as the length, width, area, weight, and volume are also influenced by these parameters. Several other factors affecting the size of a flake are discussed, and areas where further research is needed are outlined. It is concluded that the various attributes of flake size are highly and predictably interrelated.

An evolutionary and ecological approach is used in an attempt to define the causes and motivations involved in the process of Oneota development in Wisconsin. A primary thesis of this paper is that the Oneota life-way emerged from a Woodland base modified in the direction of the Mississippian pattern. The rapid appearance of a qualitatively distinctive pattern of socio-political organization, the multi-band or "tribal," is thought to be responsible in part for the difficulty in tracing this development. It is suggested that this level of integration became firmly established as the dominant socio-political structure throughout the northeastern United States by A.D. 1100-1200. Early Oneota settlements (A.D. 900-1300) are then contrasted to late Oneota settlements (A.D. 1300-1600) in Wisconsin and a difference in cultural ecological adaptation is suggested. Examples of organizational change in other cultures are briefly illustrated to suggest that the pattern of development may be at least in part recurrent.

Lexico-reconstruction techniques are used to examine the possible affinities between speakers of the Muskogean and Siouan families and the bearers of Mississippian culture. Lexical data are presented in terms of a typology of social systems which is descriptive of the range of socio-cultural complexity which characterizes Mississippian communities and societies. These social systems are defined as: descent-ranked societies, genealogy-ranked societies, and stratified societies. Non-material aspects of Mississippian culture are also examined. These suggest a concern with calendrics and the presence of mathematical decimal systems.

During the last purely aboriginal period in the southeastern United States, most, if not all, of the settlements in the interior areas were fortified, implying a cultural pattern of extensive warfare. This paper examines the nature and function of defensive works protecting the sites and advances the hypothesis that warfare at this time resulted from competition for arable land.