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Contested Conquests: African Maroons and the Incomplete Conquest of Hispaniola, 1519–1620

  • Robert C. Schwaller (a1)
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On July 13, 1571, King Philip II of Spain, via a real cédula, authorized the Audiencia of Santo Domingo to enact plans to “conquer” a community of African cimarrones (maroons, runaway slaves) located about 36 miles from the city of Santo Domingo. The king offered to those who ventured forth compensation in the form of the cimarrones they captured as slaves. At face value, the substance of this order was not particularly unique. Since the 1520s, runaway African slaves had formed maroon communities in remote regions bordering Spanish conquests. By the 1570s, African maroons could be found in practically every part of Spanish America. The uniqueness of Philip's order comes from the choice of language, in particular the decision to label the expedition a conquest. In most cases, the monarch or his officials used words like ‘reduce’ (reducir/reducciones), ‘pacify’ (pacificar/pacificación), ‘castigate’ (castigar), or ‘dislodge’ (desechar) to describe the goal of such campaigns. By describing an anti-maroon campaign as a conquest, this cédula went against the dominant Spanish narrative of the sixteenth century, in which resistance, especially by Africans or native groups, signified a punctuated disturbance of an ostensibly stable and coherent postconquest colonial order. The wording of the cédula, and the maroon movements to which it responded, explicitly link anti-maroon campaigns to the process of Spanish conquest. This article suggests that Spanish-maroon contestation on Hispaniola should be construed as an integral piece of a prolonged and often incomplete Spanish conquest. More importantly, this reevaluation of the conflict reveals maroons to be conquerors in their own right.

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The archival research that contributed to this article was supported by a University of Kansas New Faculty General Research Fund award and a KU General Research Fund award as well as a Franklin Research Grant from the American Philosophical Society. I am very grateful for the helpful comments and suggestions provided by the editorial board for The Americas and the two anonymous reviewers.

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References
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1. “Real cédula sent to the president and oidores of the Audiencia de Santo Domingo,” July 13, 1571, Archivo General de Indias [hereafter AGI], Santo Domingo 899, L. 2, fol. 178v.

2. Tardieu, Jean-Pierre, Cimarrones de Panamá: la forja de una identidad afroamericana en el siglo XVI (Madrid: Iberoamericana Editorial, 2009); Beatty-Medina, Charles, “Caught Between Rivals: The Spanish-African Maroon Competition for Captive Indian Labor in the Region of Esmeraldas During the Late Sixteenth and Early Seventeenth Centuries,” The Americas 63:1 (2006); Deive, Carlos Esteban, La esclavitud del negro en Santo Domingo, 2 vols. (Santo Domingo: Museo del Hombre Dominicano, 1980), 2:439–441; Guillot, Carlos F., Negros rebeldes y negros cimarrones: perfil afroamericano en la historia del Nuevo Mundo durante el siglo XVI (Buenos Aires: Librería y Editorial “El Ateneo,” 1961), 136; Palmer, Colin A., Slaves of the White God: Blacks in Mexico, 1570–1650 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), 122.

3. Deive, Carlos Esteban, Los guerrilleros negros (Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1989), 1112.

4. See Thornton, John K., Africa and Africans in the Making of the Atlantic World, 1400–1800, 2nd ed. (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 272303.

5. Arrom and Arévalo describe the two types of maroons as “cimarrones simples, nómadas o errantes,” a category synonymous with petit marronage, and “cimarrones sedentarios o apalencados” a category indicative of grand marronage. Arrom, José Juan and Arévalo, Manuel Antonio García, Cimarrón (Santo Domingo: Ediciones Fundación García-Arévalo, 1986), 34.

6. In some contexts, this type could also refer to individual flight of extended duration.

7. Runaway slave notices and records of slave catchers from later periods have offered glimpses of the differences between these two forms of marronage.

8. Deive, La esclavitud del negro, 2:431; Cassá, Roberto and Morel, Genaro Rodríguez, “Consideraciones alternativas acerca de las rebeliones de esclavos en Santo Domingo,” Anuario de Estudios Americanos 50:1 (1993): 105107; Tardieu, Cimarrones de Panamá, 19–20; Richard Price, introduction to Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas, Price, Richard, ed., 2nd ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1979), 4; Vilar, E. Vila, “Cimarronaje en Panamá y Cartagena. El costo de una guerrilla en el siglo XVII,” Cahiers du Monde Hispanique et Luso-Brésilien 49 (1987), 7779.

9. Restall, Matthew, “The New Conquest History,” History Compass 10:2 (2012), accessed November 14, 2016. doi: 10.1111/j.1478-0542.2011.00822.x

10. Restall, Matthew, Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest (New York: Oxford University Press, 2003), 68.

11. Altman, Ida, The War for Mexico's West: Indians and Spaniards in New Galicia, 1524–1550 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2010), 36; Jones, Grant D., The Conquest of the Last Maya Kingdom (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998).

12. Restall, Matthew, “Black Conquistadors: Armed Africans in Early Spanish America,” The Americas 57:2 (2000): 171205; Alegría, R. E., Juan Garrido: el conquistador negro en las Antillas, Florida, México y California (San Juan: Centro de Estudios Avanzados de Puerto Rico y el Caribe, 2004); Schwaller, Robert C., “'For Honor and Defense':' Race and the Right to Bear Arms in Early Colonial Mexico,” Colonial Latin American Review 21:2 (2012): 239266; Gerhard, Peter, “A Black Conquistador in Mexico,” Hispanic American Historical Review 58:3 (1978): 451459.

13. In particular, see Carlos Esteban Deive, La esclavitud del negro en Santo Domingo, Vol. 1; Dieve, Los guerrilleros negros.

14. Restall, “Black Conquistadors,” 199–204.

15. Seed, Patricia, Ceremonies of Possession in Europe's Conquest of the New World, 1492–1640 (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 70.

16. Seed, Ceremonies of Possession, 70–71.

17. McAlister, Lyle N., Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492–1700 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984), 90.

18. Lockhart, James and Schwartz, Stuart B., Early Latin America: A Short History of Colonial Spanish America and Brazil, Cambridge Latin American Sudies (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 83.

19. The discovery of silver in the north-central region of Mexico led to more than a half-century of conflict between Spaniards and the semi-sedentary peoples of the region. Powell, Philip Wayne, Soldiers, Indians, and Silver: The Northward Advance of New Spain, 1550–1600 (Berkeley,: University of California Press, 1952).

20. Places deemed despoblados included the territory of the Chichimecas in northern New Spain, the eastern Yucatan Peninsula, and the southern deserts of Chile. Powell, Soldiers, Indians, and Silver, 60; Restall, Matthew, Maya Conquistador (Boston: Beacon Press, 1998), 15; Téllez, Eduardo, “La guerra atacameña del siglo XVI: implicancias y trascendencia de un siglo de insurrecciones indígenas en el despoblado de Atacama,” Estudios Atacameños 7 (1984): 295310.

21. Orozco, Sebastián de Covarrubias, Arellano, Ignacio, and Zafra, Rafael, Tesoro de la lengua castellana o española (Madrid: Universidad de Navarra; Iberoamericana, 2006), 595.

22. Diccionario de autoridades: edición facsímil, 3 vols. (Madrid: Editorial Gredos, 1964), 1:522.

23. Diccionario de la lengua española, 23rd ed. (2014), s.v. ‘conquistar,’ accessed September 9, 2017, http://dle.rae.es.

24. Jane Landers has explored the relationship between ethnicity and maroon leadership. Landers, Jane, “Leadership and Authority in Maroon Settlements in Spanish America,” in Africa and the Americas: Interconnections During the Slave Trade, Curto, José C. and France, Renée Soulodre-La, eds. (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press 2005), 173184. However, few archival documents allow scholars to reconstruct the overall ethnic distribution of early maroons. Only for the case of sixteenth-century Panama do scholars have access to extensive records documenting the range of African ethnicities present in maroon communities. See Tardieu, Cimarrones de Panamá, 93–103; Wheat, David, Atlantic Africa and the Spanish Caribbean, 1570–1640 (Chapel Hill: published for the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, VA, by the University of North Carolina Press, 2016), 5463.

25. Lovejoy, Paul E., “Slavery in Africa,” in The Vile Trade: Slavery and the Slave Trade in Africa, Derefaka, Abi Alabo et al. , eds. (Durham: Carolina Academic Press, 2013), 17, 1921.

26. Thornton, Africa and Africans, 103–107. Lovejoy emphasizes that slavery constituted one form of labor within African societies. In many parts of Africa, slavery coexisted alongside other forms of servile labor including clientage, pawnship, and even serf-like bonds to land. Lovejoy, “Slavery in Africa,” 21–22.

27. Thornton, John K., Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 1500–1800 (London; New York: UCL Press, 1999), 1617; Reid, Richard J., Warfare in African History (Cambridge: Cambridge Univesity Press, 2012), 5.

28. Thornton, Africa and Africans, 102.

29. Thornton, Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 17.

30. Thornton, Africa and Africans, 105–106.

31. Thornton, Warfare in Atlantic Africa, 133–139.

32. Roberts, Neil, Freedom as Marronage (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2015), 13. In his examination of the intellectual and philosophical relationship between freedom and marronage, Roberts posited that “Marronage is a total refusal of the enslaved condition.”

33. For example, in the 1580s Fray Pedro de Aguado asserted that the maroons of Panama's Bayano held an entire indigenous community in subjugation. de Aguado, Pedro, Recopilación historial de Venezuela, 2 vols. (Caracas: Academia Nacional de la Historia, 1963), 2:611–612.

34. Claims like Aguado's stand in contrast to African and indigenous cooperation in the region. Guillot, Negros rebeldes y negros cimarrones, 139; Pike, Ruth, “Black Rebels: The Cimarrons of Sixteenth-Century Panama,” The Americas 64:2 (2007): 246; Tardieu, Cimarrones de Panamá, 95–96; Wheat, Atlantic Africa and the Spanish Caribbean, 57.

35. Reid, Warfare in African History, 7.

36. Keegan, William F., Taíno Indian Myth and Practice: The Arrival of the Stranger King, Series, Ripley P. Bullen (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2007), 93123.

37. Erin Woodruff Stone, “Indian Harvest: The Rise of the Indigenous Slave Trade and Diaspora from Española to the Circum-Caribbean, 1492–1542” (PhD diss.: Vanderbilt University 2014), 72–78.

38. Keegan, Taíno Indian Myth and Practice, 32–33.

39. Stone, “Indian Harvest,” 90–91.

40. According to Oviedo, Behecchio and Anacaona's village was located near the “lago grande de Xaragua.” This is likely the same lake that Oviedo later describes during his accounting of Enrique's revolt. Today, the lake bears the name Lago Enriquillo. Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés, Historia general y natural de las Indias islas y tierra firme del mar Océano, 4 vols., (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1851), 1:91, 143.

41. Stone, Erin Woodruff, “America's First Slave Revolt: Indians and African Slaves in Española, 1500–1534,” Ethnohistory 60:2 (2013): 198199; Caballos, Esteban Mira, El indio antillano: repartimiento, encomienda y esclavitud (1492–1542), Biblioteca Americana (Seville: Múñoz Moya Editor, 1997), 122129.

42. Altman, Ida, “The Revolt of Enriquillo and the Historiography of Early Spanish America,” The Americas 63:4 (2007): 594.

43. Sauer, Carl Ortwin, The Early Spanish Main (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), 200.

44. Altman, “Revolt of Enriquillo,” 599–605.

45. Stone, “America's First Slave Revolt,” 209. As early as 1523, the audiencia justified its formal declaration of war against Enrique's Bahoruco enclave by citing “the great damages, deaths, robberies, and scandals committed by the indios and negros who wander in revolt.” de Utrera, Cipriano, Historia militar de Santo Domingo (documentos y noticias), 3 vols. (Santo Domingo: Editora Buho, 2014), 1:191.

46. Stone, “America's First Slave Revolt,” 211.

47. “Letter from Alonso de Zuazo and Rodrigo Infante, oidores of the Audiencia of Santo Domingo, to the king,” February 20, 1532, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 3, N. 4, fol. 1.

48. “Letter from Arcediano Álvaro de Castro to Consejo de Indias,” March 26, 1542, Archivo de la Real Academia de la Historia, Colección de Juan Bautista Muñoz, 09-04845, Tomo 65, N. 1114, fols. 43v–44. Consulted in Colección de Juan Bautista Muñoz. Madrid: Real Academia de Historia, 2010, DVD.

49. The audiencia's concerns appear in the royal response. “Royal instructions to Licenciado Cerrato, juez de residencia of Española,” April 24, 1545, AGI, Santo Domingo 868, L. 2, fol. 246.

50. “Real cédula to Licenciado Cerrato,” October 31, 1543, AGI, Santo Domingo 868, L. 2, fol. 204.

51. Benzoni, Girolamo, History of the New World: Benzoni's ‘Historia del Mondo Nuovo,’ Schwaller, Robert C. and Byars, Jana L., eds., Byars, Jana L., trans. (State College: Penn State Press, 2017), 5253.

52. Pons, Frank Moya, Manual de historia dominicana, 7th ed. (Santiago: Universidad Católica Madre y Maestra, 1983), 3138.

53. Guitar, Lynne, “Boiling it Down: Slavery on the First Commercial Sugarcane Ingenios in the Americas (Hispaniola, 1530–45),” in Slaves, Subjects, and Subversives: Blacks in Colonial Latin America, Landers, Jane G. and Robinson, Barry, eds. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2006), 3982.

54. “Royal instructions to Licenciado Cerrato,” April 24, 1545, AGI, Santo Domingo 868, L. 2, fols. 246–247.

55. “Letter from Melchor de Castro, escribano de minas, to the emperor,” July 25, 1543, Archivo de la Real Academia de la Historia, Colección de Juan Bautista Muñoz, 09-04845, Tomo 65, N. 1137, fols. 97v–98.

56. “Information concerning Hispaniola, taken in Seville, June 17, 1546.” Archivo de la Real Academia de la Historia, Colección de Juan Bautista Muñoz, 09-04846, Tomo 66, N. 1231, fol. 142v.

57. “Letter from Licenciado Grajeda to the king,” July 27, 1546, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 16, N. 100, fol. 1.

58. “Letter from Licenciado Cerrato to the king,” June 15, 1546, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 16, N. 98, fols. 2–3.

59. Utrera, Historia militar, 1:265. During Enrique's rebellion, three roving squads had protected the hinterland around Yaguana, La Vega, and Puerto Real (201–206).

60. “Royal instructions to Licenciado Cerrato, juez de residencia of Española,” April 24, 1545, AGI, Santo Domingo 868, L. 2, fols. 246–247.

61. “Letter from Licenciado Cerrato to the king,” June 15, 1546, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 16, N. 98, fols. 2–3.

62. “Letter from Licenciados Cerrato y Grajeda to the king,” July, 29, 1546, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 16, N. 101, fol. 1v.

63. “Letter from Licenciado Cerrato to the king,” November 16, 1546, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 16, N. 102, fol 1v.

64. “Letter from Licenciado Cerrato to the king,” June 15, 1546, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 16, N. 98, fol. 2v.

65. “Letter from Licenciado Cerrato to the king,” November 16, 1546, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 16, N. 102, fol 1.

66. “Letter from the Audiencia of Santo Domingo to the king,” October 5, 1547, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 17, N. 106, fols. 1v–2.

67. “Letter from Licenciado Grajeda to the king,” May 27, 1548, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 18, N. 112, fol. 3.

68. “Letter from the Audiencia of Santo Domingo to the king,” October 16, 1548, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 18, N. 114, 1v–2. Other scholars have dated Lemba's demise to 1547, but this appears to be due to a transcription error in Fray Cipriano de Utrera's Historia militar in which he improperly dates the letter just cited to 1547. Utrera, Historia militar, 1:459–460. Carlos Deive's La esclavitud del negro en Santo Domingo repeats Utrera's dating (2:450–451). Moreover, confusion could arise from the oidores' letter of 1548, referring to “este mes de septiembre pasado,” which could be improperly construed as referring to the September of the previous year (1547), instead of September 1548, which was the month immediately preceding the letter.

69. “Letter from the Audiencia of Santo Domingo to the king,” January 23, 1549, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 19, N. 117, fol. 1v.

70. “Letter from Licenciado Grajeda to the king,” July 23, 1549, AGI, Santo Domingo 49, R. 19, N. 121, fol 1v.

71. Milhou, Alain, “Los intentos de repoblación de la Isla Española por colonias de labradores (1518–1633). Razones de un fracaso,” in Actas del Quinto Congreso de la Asociación Internacional de Hispanistas: celebrado en Bordeaux del 2 al 8 de septiembre de 1974, Chevalier, Maxime et al. , eds. (Bordeaux: Instituto de Estudios Ibéricos e Iberoamericanos, Université de Bordeaux III, 1977), 643.

72. Sauer, The Early Spanish Main, 199–200.

73. Milhou, “Los intentos de repoblación de la Isla Española,” 644. By comparison, in 1550 Mexico City alone housed at least 8,000 Spaniards, many of whom had once called Hispaniola home. Altman, Ida, “Spanish Society in Mexico City after the Conquest,” Hispanic American Historical Review 71:3 (1991): 429; Borah, Woodrow, “Fluctuaciones de la población mexicana,” in Historia Económica de México, 2nd ed., Cárdenas, Enrique, ed. (Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2003), 308, cuadro 3.

74. Milhou, “Los intentos de repoblación de la Isla Española,” 653.

75. “Letter from Melchor de Castro to the emperor,” July 25, 1543, Archivo de la Real Academia de la Historia, Colección de Juan Bautista Muñoz, 09-04845, Tomo 65, N. 1137, fols. 97v–98.

76. Guitar, “Boiling it Down,” 49, Table 2.1. A 1545 census of 29 ingenios documented approximately 9,000 slaves. Considering that slaves worked in other industries, most notably as herders and cowboys on livestock estates and as urban auxiliary slaves, the total African slave population likely fell between 10,000 and 20,000.

77. Echagoian, Juan, “Relación de la isla Española enviada al rey don Felipe II por el licenciado Echagoian, oidor de la audiencia de Santo Domingo,” Boletín del Archivo General de la Nación 4:19 (1941): 446.

78. de Velasco, Juan López, Geografía y descripción universal de las Indias (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 1894), 99.

79. Pons, Frank Moya, History of the Caribbean: Plantations, Trade, and War in the Atlantic World (Princeton: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2007), 21; Autos y testimonios tocantes a las cossas del estado de la Isla Española, hechos por don Antonio Ossorio” in Relaciones históricas de Santo Domingo, Demorizi, Emilio Rodríguez, ed., 3 vols. (Trujillo: Editora Montalvo, 1945), 2:443.

80. Cassá, Roberto, Historia social y económica de la República Dominicana, 2 vols. (Santo Domingo: Editora Alfa y Omega, 1984), 1:76.

81. Deive, La esclavitud del negro, 1:106.

82. Moya Pons, History of the Caribbean, 22.

83. Aram, Bethany, “Caribbean Ginger and Atlantic Trade, 1570–1648,” Journal of Global History 10:3 (2015): 424.

84. Hoffman, Paul E., The Spanish Crown and the Defense of the Caribbean, 1535–1585: Precedent, Patrimonialism, and Royal Parsimony (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1980), 26.

85. Almenar, Francisco Cabezos, “Piratería y corso en La Española: 1550–1650,” Naveg@mérica 16 (2016): 20, http://revistas.um.es/navegamerica, accessed January 7, 2017.

86. Moya Pons, History of the Caribbean, 37.

87. Lane, Kris E., Pillaging the Empire: Piracy in the Americas, 1500–1750 (Armonk, NY: M. E. Sharpe, 1998), 57, 6471, 97–102.

88. Hoffman, Spanish Crown and the Defense, 33.

89. Hoffman, Spanish Crown and the Defense, 71–96.

90. Sanz, Eufemio Lorenzo, Comercio de España con América en la época de Felipe II, 2 vols. (Valladolid: Diputación Provincial de Valladolid, 1979), 1:168–178.

91. Aram, “Caribbean Ginger,” 425.

92. The ‘banda del norte’ would come to include the western coastline and the settlement of Yaguana.

93. Cassá, Historia social y económica, 1:90–91.

94. “Information of oficio y parte by Lorenzo Bernáldez,” 1563, AGI, Santo Domingo 11, N. 36, fols. 4v–5.

95. “Letter from the oidores Grajeda y Cáceres to the king,” June, 16 1566, in Utrera, Historia militar, 2:178–179.

96. “Real cédula sent to the president and oidores of the Audiencia de Santo Domingo, ”July 13, 1571, AGI, Santo Domingo 899, L. 2, fol. 178v.

97. “Letter from the audiencia to the king,” December 10, 1560, in Utrera, Historia militar, 2:398.

98. “Letter from Presidente Gregorio Gonzáles de Cuenca to the king,” April 15, 1578, AGI, Santo Domingo 51, R. 1, N. 8, fol. 1; “Letter from the audiencia to the king,” May 12, 1578, AGI, Santo Domingo 51, R. 1, N. 14, fol. 1v; “Letter from the oidores Grajeda y Cáceres to the king,” June, 16 1566, in Utrera, Historia militar, 2:178–179; “Letter from President Antonio Mejia to the king,” October 10, 1568, in Utrera, Historia militar, 2:398.

99. “Letter from the oidores Grajeda y Cáceres to the king,” June, 16 1566, in Utrera, Historia militar, 2:178–179; “Instructions given to the procurador of the island,” 1573,” in Utrera, Historia militar, 2:399.

100. “Royal cédula that the city establish that which is convenient concerning alcaldes de negros,” AGI, Santo Domingo, 899, L. 1, fols. 389–390.

101. “Letter from President Gregorio Gonzáles de Cuenca to the king,” April 15, 1578, AGI, Santo Domingo 51, R. 1, N. 8, fol. 1.

102. “Letter from Oidor Aliaga to the king,” May 20, 1578, AGI, Santo Domingo 51, R. 1, N. 15, fol. 1v. The use of ‘vecinos’ complicates this assessment, because it is not clear whether the oidor intended vecinos to mean male heads of household or to include all residents, male or female, young or old. If the former, the actual number of residents may have been significantly higher.

103. “Letter from President Ovalle to the king,” January 25, 1585, AGI, Santo Domingo 51, R. 8, N. 79, fol. 1.

104. “Information of oficio y parte by Diego Caballero Bazan,” 1598, AGI, Santo Domingo 15, N. 39, fols. 1v.

105. “Letter from President Ovalle to the king,” February 23, 1586, AGI, Santo Domingo 51, R. 8, N. 86, fol. 1v.

106. Pike, “Black Rebels,” 255–258.

107. “Instructions from the cabildo and regimiento of the city of Santo Domingo given to Licenciado Diego de Leguizamon,” AGI, Santo Domingo 73, N. 116, fol. 8.

108. “Cabildo of Yaguana to the king,” March 5, 1587, in Utrera, Historia militar de Santo Domingo, 3:95.

109. “Captain Miguel Pinyol to the king” 1593, AGI, Santa Fe 97, N. 42, fols. 720v–721, 722v–723.

110. Two entradas appear to have been made during the tenure of Lope de Vega Portocarrera by Antonio de Ovalle. “Real cédula to the president and audiencia of Santo Domingo concerning the estate of Captain Antonio de Ovalle,” April 17, 1592, AGI, Santo Domingo 900, L. 5, fols. 116v–117; “Letter from President Lope de Vega Portocarrera to the king,” December 10, 1596, AGI, Santo Domingo 51, R. 8, N. 156, fol. 2. Two more entradas were made during the tenure of Diego Osorio, a failed effort by Alonso de Fuenmayor and a later attempt by Jerónimo de Agüero Bardecí. Utrera, Historia militar, 3:342.

111. “Letter from President Antonio de Osorio to the king,” October 12, 1606, AGI, Santo Domingo 52, R. 6, N. 73, fols. 1v–2; Rodríguez Demorizi, Relaciones históricas de Santo Domingo, 2:349–352.

112. Rodríguez Demorizi, Relaciones históricas de Santo Domingo, 2:150–160. In many cases it appears that punishments were vacated or not enforced because of ongoing disputes over jurisdiction.

113. “Real cédula ordering the audiencia to report on where certain pueblos could be relocated,” January 19, 1573, AGI, Santo Domingo 868, L. 3, fols. 3v–4; “Letter from Fiscal Villanueva Zapata to the king,” August 1, 1576, AGI, Santo Domingo 50, R. 12, N. 52, fol. 1.

114. “First memorial conserning the remedy of the contraband trade on Española,” November 20, 1598, and “Second memorial,” November 20, 1598, in Rodríguez Demorizi, Relaciones históricas de Santo Domingo, 2:161–188.

115. Ponce-Vázquez, Juan Jose, “Casting Traitors and Villains: The Historiographical Memory of the 1605 Depopulations of Hispaniola,” in Sites of Memory in Spain and Latin America: Trauma, Politics, and Resistance, de León, Aída Díaz, Llorente, Marina, and Salvi, Marcella, eds. (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2015), 156157.

116. For example, see Morel, Genaro Rodríguez, “Las devastaciones de Osorio y el surgimiento del criollo en Santo Domingo,” CLÍO 85:191 (2016): 279295; Cassá, Historia social y económica, 1:87–95; Deive, Los guerrilleros negros, 61; “Devastaciones de 1605 y 1606” in Rodríguez Demorizi, Relaciones históricas de Santo Domingo, 2:109–127.

117. “First memorial conserning the remedy of the contraband trade on Española,” November 20, 1598, in Rodríguez Demorizi, Relaciones históricas de Santo Domingo, 2:171.

118. “Second memorial,” November 20, 1598, in Rodríguez Demorizi, Relaciones históricas de Santo Domingo, 2:186–187.

119. “Letter from Jerónimo Torres, escribano of Yaguana, concerning contraband,” May 29, 1577, AGI, Patronato 259, R. 67, fols. 4–6v; Deive, Los guerrilleros negros, 61–62.

120. “Memorial from the cabildo of Santo Domingo,” August 25, 1604 in Rodríguez Demorizi, Relaciones históricas de Santo Domingo, 2:260–261.

121. “Letter from Antonio de Osorio to the king,” January 24, 1605, AGI, Santo Domingo 52, R. 5, N. 19, fol. 2.

122. “Letter from Antonio de Osorio to the king,” August 20, 1605, AGI, Santo Domingo 52, R. 5, N. 28, fols. 3v–4.

123. “Account of the orders that have been given to guard the ports of the banda del norte,” September 2, 1606, in Rodríguez Demorizi, Relaciones históricas de Santo Domingo, 2:353–356.

124. “Letter from Antonio de Osorio to the king,” October 12, 1606, AGI, Santo Domingo 52, R. 6, N. 74.

125. “Letter from Antonio de Osorio to the king,” March 23, 1607, AGI, Santo Domingo 52, R. 7, N. 88, fol. 1v.

126. “Letter from Diego Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” October 23, 1608, AGI, Santo Domingo 52, R. 8, N. 136, fol. 1v; “Letter from Diego Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” May 12, 1609, AGI, Santo Domingo 53, R. 1, N. 18, fol. 2;“ Letter from Diego Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” May 2, 1610, AGI, Santo Domingo 54, R. 1, N. 10, fol. 1.

127. “Letter from Antonio de Osorio to the king,” December 31, 1607, AGI, Santo Domingo 52, R. 7, N. 100, fol. 1; “Letter from Diego Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” May 8, 1609, AGI, Santo Domingo 53, R. 1, N. 9, fols. 1v–2; “Letter from Diego Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” January 12, 1611, AGI, Santo Domingo 54, R. 1, N. 42.

128. “Letter from Diego Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” May 8, 1609, AGI, Santo Domingo 53, R. 1, N. 9, fol. 2.

129. “Letter from Antonio de Osorio to the king,” August 20, 1607, AGI, Santo Domingo 52, R. 7, N. 97, fol. 1; “Letter from Antonio de Osorio to the king,” December 31, 1607, AGI, Santo Domingo 52, R. 7, N. 100, fol. 1.

130. “Letter from Diego Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” October 3, 1608, AGI, Santo Domingo 52, R. 8, N. 132, fol. 1. Gómez de Sandoval would reiterate these concerns in 1609 and 1611. “Letter from Diego Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” August 20, 1609, AGI, Santo Domingo 53, R. 1, N 29, fol. 1v; “Letter from Diego Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” Jul. 17, 1611, AGI, Santo Domingo 43, R. 2, N 17, fol. 1v.

131. Vega, Bernardo, “Arqueología de los cimarrones del Maniel del Bahoruco,” Boletín del Museo del Hombre Dominicano 12 (1979): 1148.

132. These descriptions of maroon communities substantiate the scant archaeological remains of maroon sites. Even when establishing settlements, maroons constructed wooden and thatched huts unlikely to be preserved in the archaeological record. Weik, Terrance, “Archaeology of the African Diaspora in Latin America,” Historical Archaeology 38:1 (2004): 3538; Arrom and García Arévalo, Cimarrón, 48–53; de Soto David, Moisés, “Un hallazgo arqueológico: armas y objetos del negro cimarrón,” Boletín del Museo del Hombre Dominicano 22 (1989): 8391; Deagan, Kathleen, “The Archaeology of the Spanish Contact Period in the Caribbean,” Journal of World Prehistory 2:2 (1988): 222223.

133. “Letter from Mexia de Villalobos to the king,” May 28, 1609, AGI, Santo Domingo 53, R. 1, N. 24 fol. 1.

134. “Letter from Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” January 12, 1611, AGI, Santo Domingo 54, R. 2, N. 42. The organization of maroons by ethnicity conforms to patterns examined elsewhere, especially in the case of the maroons of Panama's Bayano. Wheat, Atlantic Africa and the Spanish Caribbean, 53–67; Tardieu, Cimarrones de Panamá, 204–221; Landers, Jane, “The Central African Presence in Spanish Maroon Communities,” in Central Africans and the Cultural Transformations in the American Diaspora, Heywood, Linda M., ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 227241.

135. “Letter fromGómez de Sandoval to the king,” May 29, 1611, AGI, Santo Domingo 54, R. 2, N. 49, fol. 2.

136. “Letter from Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” October 12, 1611, AGI, Santo Domingo 54, R. 2, N. 76; “Letter from Gómez de Sandoval to the king,” January 15, 1612, AGI, Santo Domingo 54, R. 3, N. 82.

137. “Letter from the cabildo of Santo Domingo to the king,” June 30,1640; “Letter from the cabildo of Santo Domingo to the king,” February 5, 1641, in Morel, Genaro Rodríguez, Cartas del Cabildo de Santo Domingo en el siglo XVII (Santo Domingo: Editora Buho, 2007), 311, 318.

138. Deive, Los guerrilleros negros, 75–89, 143–168; Vega, “Arqueología de los cimarrones del Maniel del Bahoruco;” Deive, Carlos Esteban, Los cimarrones del maniel de Neiba: Historia y etnografía (Santo Doming: Banco Central de la República Dominicana, 1985).

The archival research that contributed to this article was supported by a University of Kansas New Faculty General Research Fund award and a KU General Research Fund award as well as a Franklin Research Grant from the American Philosophical Society. I am very grateful for the helpful comments and suggestions provided by the editorial board for The Americas and the two anonymous reviewers.

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The Americas
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