I would like to express my gratitude to Mme S. Karouzou, Prof. H. A. Thompson, and Prof. O. Broneer for permission to publish fragments from the Acropolis, the Agora, and the North Slope excavations. Miss L. H. Jeffrey graciously counselled me on all epigraphical points. The photograph on Plate 16, 3–5 is by Miss A. Frantz and Plate 16, 1 by Mr. J. M. Cook; the drawing in Fig. 1 is by Miss E. A. B. Petty.

¹ Especially Griechische und Sicilische Vasenbilder 3 ff. and AE 1887, 115–130. To Furtwängler and Pernice, (JdI XII 9–48)Google Scholar goes the credit for the setting in order of the Corinthian plaques in Berlin from Pente Skouphia.

² References throughout to CVA are by the national plate number, to Graef-Langlotz, Die antiken Vasen von der Akropolis zu Athen, by inventory and plate number (thus, Akr 2500, pl. 104), to Furtwängler, Beschreibung der Vasensammlung in Berlin by inventory number and F. (thus, Berlin F. 400). By double plaque I mean a plaque with figured or abstract decoration on both sides. By ticket plaque I describe the mid-seventh century white ground plaques of small size from Attica, decorated with tripods, birds, etc. (below pp. 189 f.).

³ On pitfalls in the identification of plaques, see below p. 194.

⁴ Cf. Cook, BSA XLII 139 ff.Google Scholar

⁵ Cf. BSA XXXV 168.

⁶ The type of plume is best paralleled on an unpublished fragmentary amphora in the Vlasto, Collection (BSA XXXV 167–9, 199)Google Scholar, but cf. also CVA Berlin I, pl. 88. 4, which is later, and a sherd in Athens, Agora P 13280.

⁷ From Dipylon, amphorae JdI LVIII 5Google Scholar to BSA XLII, pll. 19, 22.

⁸ Below p. 196, Acropolis no. 1 and cf. no. 3.

⁹ Akr 309 pl. 12. Graef quotes Kretschmer's restoration of the inscription Α]ντε[νορ, which may be influenced by the Α]ντενορ of Akr 368 pl. 13. What is read as an ε on Akr 309 might as well be α and the whole ανεθεκε]ντα[θεναιαι.

¹⁰ Carpenter, , AJA XLII 58 ff.Google Scholar gives references and expresses doubts based, so far as the Attic vases are concerned, on the uncertain chronology of the “geometric overlap” in Attic. Geometric does certainly survive into the following period (op. cit. 61 f.), i.e. Early Protoattic, but then it can be labelled ‘subgeometric’ and its style recognised. The Dipylon, oenochoe (AM VI, pl. 3 for the whole vaseGoogle Scholar; note the late and subgeometric “Ovalornament”, JdI LVIII 30 f., BSA XLVII4: earlier on a similar vase CVA Munich III, pl. 394.2; on the inscription, Friedländer and Hoffleit, Epigrammata 54, no. 53) might just qualify for the description (Young, Hesp Suppl II 228): our Aegina fragment could not. On the AJA alphabet-battles and earliest writing see also Cook, , JHS LXVI 89 f.Google Scholar, Albright, , Archaeology of Palestine 194 ff.Google Scholar, AJP LXXIV 450.

¹¹ Kirchner, , Imagines Inscriptionum Atticarum, pl. 1.1.Google Scholar

¹² AJA XXXVIII, pl. 3.

¹³ See Wade-Gery, , The Poet of the Iliad 10 ff.Google Scholar, Carpenter, , Folk Tale, Fiction and Saga in the Homeric Epics 10 f.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Or Κτεσονος,Μνεσονος, etc.

¹⁵ Jeffery, L. H., JHS LXIX 26Google Scholar, and see Cook, , Gnomon XXIII 213.Google Scholar On the strength of the lambda form the inscription on BSA XXXV, pl. 54 f. might be restored Αλ[εξανδρος and represent the Judgement of Paris (Rumpf, MuZ 31): Rumpf, ibid. 25, suggests that such vases may be the work of Aeginetans in Athens.

¹⁶ Welter, , AA 1937, 25 f.Google Scholar; Payne, , NC 39, n. 1Google Scholar; Cook, , BSA XXXVIII 209 f.Google Scholar; Eilmann, and Gebauer, , CVA Berlin I 5Google Scholar; Dunbabin, , Gnomon XXV 244Google Scholar; Vanderpool, , AJP LXXIV 322.Google Scholar Welter, discussing the possible Aeginetan origin of some of the Protocorinthian found there, retracts. The problem of the clay is not unsurmountable; clay could be imported. But, if the local fine ware industry in the eighth and seventh centuries relied on clay from Attica it looks as though it imported its potters and painters also, and dieir products remain Attic unless the influence of local styles can be detected in their work.

¹⁷ Furtwängler, , Aegina pl. 125Google Scholar, Kraiker, , Aigina 12, 26–9Google Scholar, and see AJA LVI 221.

¹⁸ Mrs. C. W. J. Eliot kindly cast an expert eye on the fragment and remarked on the close similarity of texture and technique to those of undoubted Attic fabric.

¹⁹ On dedication of plaques in places other than that of their manufacture, see below p. 194.

²⁰ Homann-Wedeking, , Vasenornamentik 28Google Scholar, AM LXV 28 f. supports the theory of the existence of a local pottery in Naucratis supplying these votives. Cook, objects (BSA XLIV 154Google Scholar; JHS LVIII 266) as does von Bissing, , BullArchAlex XXXIX 46 f.Google Scholar The concept of such a daughter factory importing clay and craftsmen and producing pottery no better or worse than that at home seems not unreasonable and makes the pottery no less Chiot.

²¹ Cook, , BSA XLVII 159 ff., gives references.Google Scholar

²² E.g. Akr 309, 368 (perhaps the potter or painter himself). Beazley, Potter and Painter in Ancient Athens 40 on bespoke vases.

²³ AA 1938, 489 f.

²⁴ Dunbabin, , BSA XXXVII 84, 89 ff.Google Scholar

²⁵ Strabo VIII 374.

²⁶ Early relief plaques dedicated on Aegina, Furtwängler, op. cit. 384, pl. 111. 2, 3; AE 1895, pl. 12.

²⁷ Later references and discussion in Pfuhl, , MuZ I 38 f.Google Scholar, 42 f., 115, 219, 222 f., 307, 411, 490 f.: Rumpf, , MuZ 10, 29 f.Google Scholar, 44.

²⁸ Beazley, , Development 1.Google Scholar

²⁹ Op. cit. 11 f.

³⁰ XXXI 14.

³¹ Schöne, , AA 1892, 121 f.Google Scholar, argued on the same lines and had conducted experiments.

³² Hunter, ΑΙΝΕΙΟY ΠΟΛΙΟPΚΗΤΙΚΑ xvii ff.

³³ NH XXXV 66: fecit et figlina opera. Webster (Oxford Classical Dictionary s.v. ‘Zeuxis’) suggests plaques.

³⁴ Pollux, , Onom. X 82–4Google Scholar, Suidas s.v., references in LS ⁹.

³⁵ Cf. Benndorf, op. cit. 10. Bronze, e.g. the map brought to Sparta by Aristagoras of Miletus, Hdt. V 49, 1. Wood, e.g. Theophrastus, , Hist.plant. III 10, 7Google Scholar (quoted by Benndorf, op. cit. 13, n. 55), where the cheap wood used for πινάκια and γραμματεῑα is mentioned.

³⁶ IG I² 66.31, II² 1237.62. Wilhelm, , Beiträge zur griechischen Inschriftenkunde 243 f.Google Scholar

³⁷ Pollux, , Onom. VII 128.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ibid. VI 84, VII 162, πίνακες κεράμεοι, the only form known in clay, but these were circular plates not plaques.

³⁹ The word πίναξ rather than πινάκιον was retained to describe trenchers of silver and bronze, some with handles and feet, which appear so often in temple inventories, e.g. IG II² 1428.52, 1440.51 ff., 1474.14 ff.

⁴⁰ Benndorf, op. cit. 13, Walters, , History of Ancient Pottery II 156Google Scholar; Pfuhl, , MuZ I 43Google Scholar, points out that Benndorf included some slit windows also.

⁴¹ Palermo (CVA pl. 680.4, ARV 475), Naples 3369 (Heydemann 605, ARV 346), London BM M 125 (Lenormant and de Witte III 78, ARV 484), London BM E 585 (BCH LXXVI 606, fig. 9b, ARV 474), Berlin F. 2594, Tübingen 1386 (Watzinger pl. 25, E 80), Würzburg (Langlotz 524, pl. 213), and cf. CVA Florence I, pl. 389.240 (sic: Beazley, , Campana Fragments 22, pl. 14, 26–30Google Scholar, ARV 751), and Athens NM 1669, JdI LII 55, fig. 13. Brussels A 725 (CVA III, pl. 146, 1) is a South Italian example and cf. the Apulian vase in Naples (Lenormant and de Witte IV 19). The plaques on Cab. des Méd. 422, another South Italian vase (Buschor, , FR III 162, pl. 147Google Scholar, Clairmont, , Das Parisurteil 59Google Scholar), are considered clay by Buschor. Here they hang in a hillside fountain house on whose floor lie two figurines, no doubt terracotta votives. The tablets on Gnathia vases are considered lovers' charms by Webster, , Manchester Memoirs LXXXIII 203.Google Scholar

⁴² Cab. des Méd. 839 (Lenormant and de Witte III 80, ARV 242), Oxford 305 (CVA pl. 99, 1, Gardner, pl. 19, ARV 273).

⁴³ Figured thus in the company of a tree, by the herm and altar, on Berlin F. 2213, Gerhard, Akad. Abh. pl. 63.1, ARV 482.

⁴⁴ BM E 494, the sanctuary of Chryse, (JdI LII 49Google Scholar; Metzger, , Les Représentations 195Google Scholar; Rumpf, Religion der Griechen fig. 31; JHS LXX 36, fig. 1). Cf. Naples 1760, Millingen, , Peinture des Vases Grecques, pl. 52Google Scholar, two plaques with two and three dancing figures.

⁴⁵ Cf. Naples R.C. 27 (MA XXII, pl. 95. 4), Berlin 3974 (Metzger, op. cit., pl. 39. 1: λελευκωμένα), Louvre, (BCH XIX 103Google Scholar; Encyclopédie TEL III 29c, d), and a Paestan vase by Python, , Trendall, , Paestan Pottery, pl. 36 (London BM 1917. 12–10. 1Google Scholar; BSR XX 9, no. 147).

⁴⁶ ARV 153 no. 7.

⁴⁷ By Python, Trendall, op. cit., pl. 20a (in Los Angeles; BSR XX 10, no. 156).

⁴⁸ Berlin F. 2294 (Seltman, , Approach to Greek Art, pl. 54Google Scholar; ARV 263).

⁴⁹ Hauser, , FR III 85, says they are goat horns.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Such a representation is of course no argument against their originals being red figure in painting style, witness the lebetes gamikoi and loutrophoroi depicted on red figure vases, e.g. AE 1897, pl. 10.

⁵¹ Festschrift für Benndorf 75 f., and cf. FR I 159.

⁵² At Olympia, Paus. V 16, 3, and inscribed records of victory (Aristotle, Pol 1341a36), or cures—the poor man's equivalent to the inscriptions on marble found in numbers in Asklepieia (IG IV² 121. 24, Strabo VIII 374).

⁵³ Munich 2315, Benndorf, op. cit., pl. 9, ÖJh VIII 41 (ARV 191); on the other side he carries his prize amphora. Perhaps it is a victor's plaque that is figured on CVA Poland III, pl. 114, 3a (left).

⁵⁴ See above notes 41, 45, 47.

⁵⁵ A gruesome threat of suicide by the Danaids in this context. It suggests that plaques could be hung on the cult statue itself or at least very close to it. Ribbons were sometimes tied on statues, e.g. Paus. VIII 31. 8, × 35. 10.

⁵⁶ Payne, , JHS LV 153 f.Google Scholar, AA 1934, 194 f., 1935, 197 f., Rumpf, , MuZ 66, 70.Google Scholar Painted by a Corinthian in a polychrome style; dated by Payne 540–520.

⁵⁷ See below pp. 189 f.

⁵⁸ AD I pll. 7, 8, II pll. 23, 24, 29, 30, 39, 40 and JdI XII 9 ff. for the Berlin Collection. Others are in the Louvre, e.g. Collignon, , Mon. grecs. 1882–1897, 23 ff.Google Scholar and Gaz.Arch. 1880, 101 ff.

⁵⁹ Where similar painted plaques have been found, AJA XXXV 21 ff. Some were found at Perachora too (see Studies Presented to D. M. Robinson II 1183, no. 4) and, so Mr. Papadimitriou tells me, at Epidaurus.

⁶⁰ Potters or their associates seem to have tried their hand at painting in Athens, Akr 2579, pl. 109, as at Corinth; for Corinth, references in n. 58, passim for amateur scenes of pot-making and oven-tending as well as the painters' own contributions on the same theme in professional style.

⁶¹ Nessos Painter, Cerberus Painter, Euphiletos Painter, Ryecroft Painter, Skythes, Nikoxenos Painter.

⁶² Sophilos, Lydos, Exekias, perhaps the Kleophrades Painter (Epiktetos II), and the humbler Sappho Painter among others.

⁶³ By ‘major painting’ I mean here what is often alternatively called free painting or Grossmalerei, that is an independent style of painting on wood or wall on a larger scale than vase painting and employing probably the freer composition which its scale and medium permits. Evidence for it requires either a preserved original or a significant change in a parallel art form (e.g. the vase painter's) which can only be attributed to its influence. The inch-high figures on the Chigi vase can be magnified a hundredfold on a screen with no loss of effect, but this is not evidence that the painter or his contemporaries could conceive compositions or figures monumentally.

⁶⁴ Cf. on major painting and its relations to vase painting Pfuhl, , MuZ I 12 f.Google Scholar, 104, 210 f., 490 ff.; Payne, , NC 93 f., 96 ff.Google Scholar; Rumpf, , MuZ 10 f., 29 f., 34, 58, 71 ff.Google Scholarpassim; Benson, , Die Geschichte der korinthischen Vasen 88 ff.Google Scholar; Kraiker, , Aigina 18 f.Google Scholar and DLZ LXXIII 555 f., where be cites the metope-like plaques of the late seventh and early sixth centuries (below pp. 191 f.), the work of vase painters on a scale matched by contemporary vases, cf. Kraiker, , Aigina, pl. 47.Google Scholar Painting on marble (Pfuhl, , MuZ I 12 f.Google Scholar; Rumpf, , MuZ 10, 29Google Scholar) and sculpture do not seem to merit special mention here but for the fact that their material allowed greater variety of colour than did baked clay. Schefold, , Die Antike XVIII 76Google Scholar, cites the Tiryns shields (Lorimer, , Homer and the Monuments, pll. 9, 10Google Scholar; Rumpf, , MuZ 26, pl. 5, 7Google Scholar), which, if Argive or Tirynthian, need not be as early as 700, while the figure scale can be paralleled on contemporary vases.

⁶⁵ Kübler, , Altattische Malerei, pll. 53–55.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ Above n. 56. Cf. AA 1937, 210, fig. 6. Painting on wood seems probable for small objects as boxes, footstools, or plaques in this period.

⁶⁷ Payne, , PV pll. 27–29.Google Scholar The experiment was only moderately successful and did not inspire emulation, cf. Robertson, , BSA XLVI 155.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Pfuhl, MuZ III, figs. 480–483.

⁶⁹ An outline was roughly incised before painting on the Thermon metopes (AD II 5, pl. 5; Kähler, , Das griechische Metopenbild pl. 18Google Scholar), but not on those from Calydon (Dyggve, Das Laphrion 151). See also Broneer, , Hesp VII 226 f.Google Scholar

⁷⁰ BSA XLVI 153 ff., with a fine account of the declining art in the fifth century and its recourse to white ground painting again.

⁷¹ The Etruscan tomb paintings of the sixth century reflect closely Greek, particularly Ionic, vase-painting conventions and styles. For the most part they are no more than the contemporary graecising vase painting writ large (Caeretan, Pontic: only later are they completely atticised), rejoicing in colour (as did the vases) and the opportunity afforded by the burials in chamber tombs with walls for decoration. They are a developed product of local vase painting, not evidence for monumental work in Greece proper. References and comparisons in Rumpf, , MuZ 29 f., 53 f.Google Scholar

⁷² Below p. 200, no. 1; Technau, , Exekias, pll. 14–18, 19 a, b.Google Scholar

⁷³ Cook, Γέρας Ἀντωνίου Κεραμοπούλλου 117, n. 1.

⁷⁴ Rumpf, , JHS LXVII 10 f.Google Scholar; MuZ 34 on the fact that the earliest painters recorded by Pliny are merely names to us.

⁷⁵ Some antiquarian interest may have lingered, cf. Payne, , NC 348 f.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Milonidas the Corinthian proudly dedicates his own work, a plaque (Hoppin, , Black Figure Vases 10 f.Google Scholar). For potters' and painters' dedications on the Acropolis, and familiarity with high society implicit in Kalos-inscriptions (which might have been ordered by the purchaser in some cases, though hardly for export to Italy), see Raubitschek, , Dedications from the Athenian Akropolis 465.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Langlotz, Akropolis Vasen II viii cites the love scenes on some Acropolis vases as inappropriate for dedications and as possible evidence that some of the earth for the filling south of the earlier Parthenon and the fragments with it were carried from the lower city to the Acropolis, but erotic scenes occur on a votive plaque, which might, I suppose, have been dedicated by a courtesan (Akr 1040, pl. 81). The Greeks were not prudish about this, cf. the unusually intimate hieros gamos of the Thermon metope AD II, pl. 53, which adorned the exterior of a temple.

⁷⁸ I note here, without recommending them, Fivel's suggestions (GazArch 1883, 177) that the inscription on Akr 2571, pl. 108 be restored so that we read ἀποτρόπαιον, and that the plaques were apotropaic.

⁷⁹ Even among the rich painted series from Pente Skouphia in Berlin, F. 541, 761. AD II, pl. 24. 27, 29. 30.

⁸⁰ Artemis Orthia 187 ff., pll. 64 ff.

⁸¹ Ibid. 204 ff., pll. 91 ff.

⁸² Difficult to identify. Many are shield ornaments, and most of the others could have been fixed to wooden bases, boxes, or furniture. Cf. Delphi, , BCH XLV 309 ff.Google Scholar and Bonn, , AA 1935, 452, 461, fig. 40.Google Scholar From Argos, , Vollgraff, ILN 1930, Dec. 13, 1065Google Scholar, a mounted warrior and the inscription a curse on Enyalios: apparently a pacifist's offering. Shape and suspension as for the clay relief plaque with a lion Argive Heraeum II, pl. 49. 9.

⁸³ Casson, , Catalogue of the Acropolis Museum II 416 f.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Mycenae, plaque, BSA XLVIII 62, no. 13Google Scholar, from the same stamp as that used for a tripod vase fragment from the Heraeum, Argive, Hesp XXI, pl. 72.Google Scholar

⁸⁵ 21. 88. 81, Richter, Handbook (1953), 296 n. 77Google Scholar, and another in Eleusis, , Hesp IX 230, no. 233, fig. 45.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Akr 2498, pl. 101, εποιε[σεν. . .]δες: Akr 2517, pl. 103 and p. 262 (here the two fragments are not drawn on the same scale: the Ε on one is in the same line as the ΙVΕ on the other, and two letters are missing between them); Rumpf suggested that the inscription might be restored Ε[υφ]ιλε[τος κ]αλ[ος (Gnomon XIV 455, cf. Peters, , Studien zu Preisamphoren 22 f.Google Scholar) and study of the fragments leads one to think this correct; by the Painter, Euphiletos, Beazley, , AJA XLVII 443, no. 12.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ On the unslipped back of the white ground plaque Akr 2590 the painted sketch of another Athena. A fragment in England noted by Hartwig joins both Akr 2590 a and b and preserves most of the sketch. It is now in Oxford, Beazley, , JHS LI 53.Google ScholarCf. also Akr 2495, pl. 103.

⁸⁸ The following plaques have painted backs, usually with only a light glaze or paint wash: Akr 2512, 2536, 2538, 2557, Hesp IX 233 f. nos. 243, 248, and an unpublished Acropolis fragment.

⁸⁹ Akr 2502, 2539, 2577, 2593 (deep wood graining); Akr 2524, possibly matting impression; Akr 2573, the back cut level with a knife.

⁹⁰ Akr 2573, pl. 108.

⁹¹ F. 486, AD I, pl. 7, 25; cf. Hesp XVI 222, pl. 51, XIX, pl. 110, Corinth XV 2, pl. 58. 60.

⁹² Akr 2513, pl. 103.

⁹³ Akr 1041, 1042, 1051, pll. 81, 82; Athens NM 1244, RM XLII Beil. 14.

⁹⁴ Akr 2557, pl. 106, and an unpublished red figure fragment from the Acropolis. Cf. below p. 196, Acropolis no. 5.

⁹⁵ Athens, NM 11036, AE 1901, pl. 1 (Nilsson, , Archiv für Religionswissenschaft XXXII 92 ff.Google Scholar discusses fully, and cf. Geschichte der griechischen Religion 441, 444, NumChron 1941, 5); Eleusis, , AE 1901 pl. 2Google Scholar; other frr. in Eleusis; Berlin 2759, Benndorf, op. cit. pl 4. 2, ÖJh I 89, fig. 38, Nilsson, op. cit. 412; Tübingen 1646, Watzinger E 176, pl. 39; Pnyx PN P-87. An earlier red figure example may be Akr 1047, pl. 82, in view of the fragment from the Slope, N. excavations preserving its broken raised border (Hesp IV 239, no. 28, fig. 12Google Scholar; other fragments of the plaque are among unpublished N. Slope pottery, A–P 3267 a and b, the former joining Akr 1047 a).

⁹⁶ Akr 2549, pl. 105 (JdI XXXV 110, fig. 10); cf. Akr 2550, pl. 105, whose upper edge seems to rise in a similar way.

⁹⁷ Akr 2499–2501, pll. 102, 104, and Slope, N. A–P 1277, Hesp IX 232Google Scholar, no. 237, fig. 45. Cf. below p. 196, Acropolis no. 9.

⁹⁸ As NM 2411, AE 1886, 120, pl. 8. 2, Collignon-Couve Cat. no. 852, which may nonetheless be a plate. The circular plaques mentioned by Feytmans, (L'Antiquité Classique XVII 184 n. 4)Google Scholar are plates which were made without rims because they were never intended for use other than as dedications.

⁹⁹ Hesp IX 233, no. 242, fig. 45, Akr 2535, pl. 104.

¹⁰⁰ AE 1091, 41, pl. 2, and from the sixth century cf. the scale of Akr 2493, pl. 101. On the metope-like plaques whose identification as dedications is disputed, see below p. 200.

¹⁰¹ The references in Benndorf op. cit. 16 are to the hanging or affixing of wooden pinakes; cf. Pfuhl, , MuZ I 222 f.Google Scholar, 307.

¹⁰² Akr 1043, 1045, pl. 81, AE 1901, pl. 1.

¹⁰³ Akr 2527, pl. 104, with marks of a pointed tool on the front and a large flake broken off behind.

¹⁰⁴ Below p. 198, Agora, no. 5: it is fragmentary, so that holes in the corners not preserved may have been completely cut.

¹⁰⁵ Berlin F. 942 (Roehl, IGA, no. 20. 103) bears the inscription ανοτοδεονε . . . of which the ἄνω τόδε suggests hanging up; the fragment preserves two suspension holes, cf. the holes and string grooves of the relief plaque Corinth XII, pl. 16. 212.

¹⁰⁶ Corinthian, Furtwängler, op. cit. 47, cites F. 885 (AD I, pl. 8. 14) but there is room for holes above and below on this fragment. However, a Louvre plaque has one only at the side, GazArch 1880, 106, fig. 3, Perrot-Chipiez IX 573, fig. 283, and cf. an East Greek example from Smyrna, below p. 199.

¹⁰⁷ E.g. Akr 2535, 2574, 2575, Noack, , Eleusis 12Google Scholar, fig. 4. Corinthian, perhaps F. 539 etc. (JdI XII 23, fig. 14) F. 351, 352, 452 (AD II, pll. 24. 11, 29. 6, 40. 3) preserve only the upper part of the plaque and have no holes.

¹⁰⁸ F. 889, AD II pl. 39. 17.

¹⁰⁹ F. 802, AD I, pl. 8. 4 and 11, pl. 23. 17, Louvre, , Rayet-Collignon, , Histoire de la Céramique Grecque, xiii fig. 4, 146, fig. 65.Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ F. 882, AD II, pl. 29. 1, 4, cf. F. 873, AD I, pl. 7. 16.

¹¹¹ I have noticed no trace of ‘legs’ on which the double plaques might have been supported flat in the kiln and which would have left a mark on the surface. Generally double plaques retain their shape better than the one-sided plaques which often warped in firing. Considerations of firing would explain the holes in such objects as the disc-spool, Richter, and Hall, , Red Figure Athenian Vases 104 f., pl. 76Google Scholar, as easily as considerations of votive suspension.

¹¹² Rouse, , Greek Votive Offerings (1902), 342 ff.Google Scholar, reviews the evidence available when he wrote.

¹¹³ Furtwängler, , Beschreibung 47 f.Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Cf. Langlotz, Die antiken Vasen von der Akropolis II viii.

¹¹⁵ IG IV 1588, Feytmans, , AntClass XVII 192Google Scholar, Corinth XV 2, 216 ff.

¹¹⁶ Corinth XIV 116, pl. 36, no. 60. A funerary plaque in Vienna preserves parts of iron nails in three of its corner holes, AA 1893, 196 f.

¹¹⁷ AM LXV 19 f., pl. 26. 2.

¹¹⁸ Above n. 115. Homolle, in BCH VI 105 ff.Google Scholar summarises the evidence of the Delian inscriptions, and those since published add little to his account. Rouse, op. cit. 342 ff., 394 ff., gives the most important references. Nails for dedications in the Plinthinos Oikos on Delos, , in IG XI 165. 18.Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ RM XLII Beil. 14 (Schefold, , UKV 119Google Scholar).

¹²⁰ Cf. Richter, , BSA XI 234 ff.Google Scholar

¹²¹ Below p. 199.

¹²² Corinthian, Berlin F. 846, Hoppin, , Black Figure Vases 14 f.Google Scholar, painter Timonidas; Louvre, ibid. 10 f., painter and dedicator Milonidas; Berlin F. 495, 524 and Louvre, , Gollignon, , MonGrecs 1882–1897, 28Google Scholar, fig. 5 (IG IV 222–224: I take αὐτόποια to suggest a potter's dedication), and cf. Berlin F. 422, 908, 937, JdI XII 14 f. Attic, Akr 2498, pl. 101, potter's name on undecorated back; Akr 2557, pl. 106 and 2586, pl. 110, painter Skythes; and Akr 2556, pl. 106 dedicated by him; Akr 2583, painter Paseas; r.f. Akr 2519,τ̣ιμαρχος⋮με[γραψεν, or με[ποιεσεν enough of the initial τ is preserved to make it probable: the last partly preserved letter cannot be α[νεθεκεν as restored by Langlotz, for enough is left to prove it an ε. This must be the piece mentioned by Nicole, , RA IV 385, no. 55Google Scholar, Pfuhl, MuZ I 292Google Scholar, establishing a new painter's or potter's name: a Timarchos dedicated a statue by Onatas on the Acropolis, Raubitschek, op. cit. 272 f. and another (?) is called kalos by the Painter, Syriskos, ARV 198, no. 39Google Scholar, in the early fifth century. Some metrical dedications by potters in Friedländer, and Hoffleit, , Epigrammata 40 f., 107 f.Google Scholar

¹²³ Akr 2500, pl. 104, 2517 (see n. 86); r.f., 1045, pl. 81, 1046; cf. example in Chicago, , AJA XLVII 401 fig. 22.Google Scholar

¹²⁴ Akr 2578, pl. 109, Payne, NC 142.Google Scholar

¹²⁵ Museum of Prehistory, Schliemann Collection 11187; Beazley, , AJA XXXIX 477 f.Google Scholar, fig. 2, XLV 595; cf. Akr 2560.

¹²⁶ Below p. 199.

¹²⁷ References in BSA XLVII 24.

¹²⁸ On the backs of one-sided plaques see above p. 191.

¹²⁹ Wolters, JdI XIV 127Google Scholar, where the presence of plaque fragments is adduced as evidence for a Greek hero cult over the dromos of the Mycenean tomb at Menidi.

¹³⁰ Akr 271, 276–285 (278 and 281 belong together). Cf. Kerameikos I, pl. 59, IV, pll. 3, 36, BCH LXXIII 526, fig. 8. There are black and red figure miniature altars and boxes, e.g. CVA Braunschweig, pl. 174. 3, 4.

¹³¹ Text to Akr 281.

¹³² Boeotian, , Berlin 306, JdI III 357.Google Scholar

¹³³ Argive from the Heraeum, Perachora, cf. Studies presented to D. M. Robinson I 259 259 ff.; Ithaca, , BSA XLIII 101 f.Google Scholar Possibly Argive is BCH LXXVI 202, fig. 1 (JHS LXXII 93): if so perhaps the only Argive fragment from the Acropolis; Akr 265, pl. 11, need not be anything other than Attic. For the door cf. the Knossos, tomb model JHS LXIV 87, fig. 4.Google Scholar

¹³⁴ Corinth XV 2, pl. 43, XXXII 6, pl. 44, XXXII 2, 7.

¹³⁵ Ibid. pl. 44, XXXIII 22, pl. 46, XXXIV 1, 2, XXXIII 3, 4.

¹³⁶ Probably intended for a cult use requiring something wet or greasy to be carried in them. Their handles enabled them to be suspended afterwards as dedications. Examples from Aegina, Kraiker, , Aigina nos. 66–68, pl. 5Google Scholar; his no. 58, pl. 4 is published as an Attic offering plate without inner glaze, but may be a box as are the other Attic pieces he cites on ibid. 29; but cf. Akr 271, pl. 11, lid (?) which is glazed within.

¹³⁷ E.g. CVA Berlin I, pll. 54, 61, 71, 73, 84.

¹³⁸ Above p. 191.

¹³⁹ Cf. Higgins, , Catalogue of Terracottas in the British Museum, pl. 100 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁰ The ‘Votivpinakes’ with the forepart of a lion, mentioned in AA 1933, 279, have since been restored to form a stand for the mourning women, ibid. 281, fig. 16: Inst. Phot. 2657, 3607. The backs are unpainted.

¹⁴¹ I have not personally examined the following—Acropolis no. 4, Sunium nos. 1, 2, 3, exx. from Menidi, Delos, Larisa.

¹⁴² There are others with added plastic heads in the Kerameikos.

¹⁴³ On the provenance of nos. 2, 8, see JHS LXXII 93.

¹⁴⁴ References in Ure, , JHS LXIX 19, 22 f.Google Scholar and cf. Corinth XV 2, 226, RM XIV 78 ff. They appear both handleless and with short or long handles. Professor Smith identifies the four-pronged shield device on CVA San Francisco I, pl. 465, as ‘a fishing fork, not Poseidon's attribute’. Poseidon's trident can boast more prongs (Cook, , Zeus II 786 f.Google Scholar, Corinthian plaques F. 347, 385, 464, 460, AD II pl. 24. 8, 6; I pl. 7. 2, 24) and, triple pronged, is associated with fishing (F. 882, AD II pl. 29. 1, 4—if Poseidon's) and hunting (F. 899, AD II pl. 7. 27: a favourite weapon for Calydonian boar hunting, cf. Hoppin, , Black Figure Vases 61Google Scholar, Vatican 306, Albizatti pl. 29, Bulletin of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston XLVI 42 ff.)

¹⁴⁵ Hill, , The Ancient City of Athens 30 f.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁶ Ibid. 93 and references.

¹⁴⁷ Hesp II 636 ff., Ill 447 n. 5, XXIII 105.

¹⁴⁸ Snake Goddess, Fury or even Athena, Cook, , Zeus III 189.Google Scholar

¹⁴⁹ Snake borders to plaques: ELEUSIS no. 5 (below); Corinthian, Berlin F. 899, AD I pl. 7. 27, cf. F. 893, AD I pl. 8. 19. The snake motif emphasises the chthonic character of Eleusinian cult. Compare also the large clay plaque in Eleusis with a snake in high relief, PAE 1898, 90 f.

¹⁵⁰ Cf. Corinth XV 2, 157 and pl. 34, XXII 14. The snake of our fragment was probably only the border to a figured scene. Perhaps it is this fragment which is mentioned in PAE 1898, 91 in connection with the large relief plaque with a snake which I have not seen and whose antiquity I cannot determine from its description.

¹⁵¹ Picard, (RA XVI 5–28)Google Scholar, discussing a hypothetical heroon of Menelaus' steersman Phrontis at Sunium, associates our no. 1 with it. But the plaque was found with debris of the Athena temple far from the suspected heroon and the beard of its steersman (it was a job for a more senior hand, cf. BSA XXXV, pl. 55 c) can have little to do with a bearded Phrontis on a painting in the Cnidian Lesche at Delphi over two hundred years later. See also Young, , Studies presented to D. M. Robinson II 355 f.Google Scholar

¹⁵² Cf. CVA Berlin I, pl. 56. 83, BCH LXIII, pl. 49. The motif as a plaque border recurs once over a century later on Akr 2560, pl. 107.

¹⁵³ Their discovery (Lolling, , Das Kuppelerab bei Menidi 5 f.Google Scholar) with a late sixth-century black figure foot (JdI XIV 109, figs. 11–13) does not afford a dating context for them.

¹⁵⁴ Its exact position is not recorded. For oikoi and temples in the area where dedications would be expected in this period see Vallois, , L'Architecture Hellénique de Délos 14 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁵ We Would expect the bowstring to be drawn also.

¹⁵⁶ Cf. Poulsen, , Der Orient 107.Google Scholar Could the staff be the εἰρεσιώνη bound with woollen fillets (Deubner, , Attische Feste 199Google Scholar)? Compare also the regalia of Chryses, priest of Apollo: στέμματ᾿ ἔχων ἐν χερσὶν ἑκηβόλου Ἀπόλλωνος χρυσέω̨ ἀνὰ σκήπτρῳ (Homer, , Iliad I 13 f.)Google Scholar, and the simple fillet in the hand of a votary before Athena, Beazley, , Development, pl. 18.Google Scholar

¹⁵⁷ Ibid. no. 13, which has a round saw-like edge, is unusual and its shape must be significant—of what, I cannot suggest; but it cannot be considered with ordinary plaques. Cf. similar objects from the Heraeum and Tiryns, called votive wreaths by Blegen, , AJA XLIII 423Google Scholar, and Corinth XV 2, 213 ff., pl. 47.

¹⁵⁸ Eleusis nos. 1, 3.

¹⁵⁹ Eleusis no. 4, cf. Acropolis no. 2.

¹⁶⁰ Acropolis nos. 1, 2, 3; Aegina.

¹⁶¹ Acropolis no. 8. This may not be a plaque, but I cannot explain its shape in any other way.

¹⁶² Acropolis no. 8.

¹⁶³ Aegina, and cf. the graffito in Acropolis no. 8.

¹⁶⁴ Acropolis nos. 3, 7, ?8; Eleusis no. 4.

¹⁶⁵ Sunium, no. 2.

¹⁶⁶ Agora nos. 2, 3; Eleusis no. 5.

¹⁶⁷ Sunium no. 1, Analatos Painter.

¹⁶⁸ Eleusis nos. 1, 2, 3; Agora nos. 1, 3, 4, 5.

¹⁶⁹ Birds are seldom offered, though they again are found replacing richer animal offerings, cf. Paus. X 32, 16.

¹⁷⁰ Kirk regards such ship scenes as heroic decoration only, BSA XLIV 152. Geometric ships appear on Acropolis vases Akr 259, 260, 276, 277, 299, 300, cf., later, 412, pl. 14.

¹⁷¹ The original publications of nos. 1–3 and 8 give detailed descriptions. I record here only significant measurements suggesting scale.

¹⁷² Some show in the break what looks like the impression of chopped straw mixed in the clay.

¹⁷³ Chiron is not an unfamiliar figure in archaic art (Johansen, ‘Achill bei Chiron’ in Δ ρ ά γ μ α 181–205, cf. Picard, , REA LIII 1–25).Google Scholar

¹⁷⁴ Cf. Horn. Hymn IV 475 ff.; but there Hermes is still a baby in stature, ibid. 254, as on the Caeretan vase JHS XLVIII, pl. 13.

¹⁷⁵ BSA XLVII 24, n. 138. (The reference to ABL should be struck out.) That the figures are not of sirens was proved by Kunze, (AM LVII 133 f.Google Scholar, apparendy not accepted by Pollard, , CR LXVI 63, n. 1Google Scholar). The position of the hands of the figure on the right might suggest krotala, but could indicate a music lesson on the lyre with finger exercises.

¹⁷⁶ For the use of slip on nos. 2 and 3 here, cf. the earlier Attic vases from Vari, , BCH LXIII 287.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁷ Robinson, and Fluck, , Greek Love Names 143 ff.Google Scholar

¹⁷⁸ Otherwise its exceptional thickness might suggest a metope.

¹⁷⁹ AE 1887, 124.

¹⁸⁰ MuZ I 493.

¹⁸¹ On plaques, above n. 123.

¹⁸² BullMetrMus 1942, 83 f.

¹⁸³ Funerary, cf. the ‘mourning women’ stand in the Kerameikos, above n. 140; but also a votive plaque in Eleusis (Payne, , NC 344Google Scholar, Cook, , BSA XXXV 200, 217, JHS LIX 151) and the Corinthian altar Hesp XVI, pl. 51.Google Scholar

¹⁸⁴ A plain upper border only is found on funerary plaque series (as the Exekias plaques, Technau, , Exekias, pll. 14–19Google Scholar) which may have been set below the projecting rim of a rectangular grave (Kübler, , Mitteilungen II (1949), 11Google Scholar, cf. pll. 2, 3). This positioning may have suggested the projecting upper edge of other prothesis plaques; some of these have no holes, others are pierced for suspension rather than nailing.

¹⁸⁵ The thickness of the Kalydon and Thermon metopes ranges from 5·5 to 7·0 cm.