1 Georgios Vouris (1790–1860) was born and raised in Vienna. He acted as the first director of the observatory until 1855. His relations with the university were turbulent, and he was removed from the chair of physics more than once. In 1855 he went to live back in Vienna, where he died. For a biography see Stefanidis, Michael, Εκατονταετηρις 1837–1937: Ιστορία της Φυσικομαθηματικής Σχολής (History of the School of Mathematics and Physics 1837–1937), vol. 2, Athens: National Printing House, 1948, p. 6Google Scholar.

2 The presentation of the ceremony is based on the descriptions accompanying the publication of Georgios Vouris's speech, as well as on newspapers' reports the following days. See, for example the issue of 28 June 1842 of the newspaper Αιών (Century), or the issue of 27 June 1842 of the newspaper Αθήνα (Athens); and Vouris, Georgios, Λόγος εκφωνηθείς την 26 Ιουνίου 1842 υπό των καθηγητή του Πανεπιστημίου Γ. Κ. Βουρή κατά την τελετήν της θεμελιώσεως του Αστεροσκοπείου των Αθηνών, ανεγειρόμενου φιλοτίμω δαπάνη του εν Βιέννη Γενικού Πρόξενου της Ελλάδος Βαρώνος Σ. Σίνα (Speech Delivered by Professor G. Vouris, 26 June 1842, at the Ceremony for the Founding of the Observatory of Athens), Athens: Anastasiou Printing House, 1842Google Scholar.

3 A more general history of the early modern Greek state can be found in Koliopoulos, John and Veremis, Thanos, Modern Greece: A History since 1821, Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009Google Scholar; and Clogg, Richard, A Concise History of Greece, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002Google Scholar. For a specific discussion of the early era of Otto see Petropoulos, John, Politics and Statecraft in the Kingdom of Greece, 1833–1843, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968Google Scholar; and Dakin, Douglas, Unification of Greece 1770–1923, London: Ernest Benn, 1972Google Scholar.

4 Vouris, op. cit. (2), p. 9.

5 Dimaras, Konstantinos, Νεοελληνικός Ρωμαντισμός (Neohellenic Enlightenment), Athens: Hermes, 2004, pp. 86–87Google Scholar. Expositions and discussions of the Greek Enlightenment can also be found in Kitromilides, Paschalis, Enlightenment, Nationalism, Orthodoxy: Studies in the Culture and Political Thought of South-Eastern Europe, Aldershot: Variorum, 1994Google Scholar. The Enlightenment's aftermath from a postcolonial theoretical perspective is discussed in Gourgouris, Stathis, Dream Nation: Enlightenment, Colonization, and the Institution of Modern Greece, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1996, pp. 47–89Google Scholar.

6 The observatory's location was itself a matter of special consideration, since it was to act as a symbol of the king's might and the power of his modern regime. Thus even the hill of Acropolis itself was initially considered a building place.

7 Vouris, op. cit. (2), pp. 7–15.

8 One has only to see the relevant chapters in Hobsbawm's, Eric classical trilogy The Age of Revolution: 1789–1848, New York: Vintage 1996Google Scholar (first published 1962), The Age of Capital: 1848–1875, New York: Vintage, 1996 (first published 1975) and The Age of Empire: 1875–1914, New York: Vintage,1987; the discussion in Bayly, Chris, The Birth of the Modern World: 1780–1914, Oxford and New York: Wiley-Blackwell, 2003Google Scholar; or the presence of science even in short expositions of the era, such as Gildea, Robert, Barricades and Borders: Europe 1800–1914, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003Google Scholar.

9 Darwin, John, After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire since 1405, New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2008, pp. 25–26Google Scholar.

10 The classical paper of this approach is Basalla, George, ‘The spread of Western science: a three-stage model describes the introduction of modern science into any non-European nation’, Science (1967) 156, pp. 611–622Google Scholar. See also Raina, Dhruv, ‘From West to non-West? Basalla's three-stage model revisited’, Science as Culture (1999) 8, pp. 497–516Google Scholar; and Gavroglu, Konstantinos, ‘Some methodological issues concerning the sciences at the European periphery’, in Moulin, Anne and Ulman, Yesim Isil (eds.), Perilous Modernity: History of Medicine in the Ottoman Empire and the Middle East from the 19th Century Onwards, Istanbul: The Isis Press, 2010, pp. 23–24Google Scholar.

11 See the special issue ‘The sciences in the European periphery during the Enlightenment’ of the journal Archimedes (1999) 2; Gavroglu, Konstantinos et al. , ‘Science and technology in the European periphery: historiographical reflections’, History of Science (2008) 46(2), pp. 153–175Google Scholar; Schaffer, Simon, Roberts, Lissa, Raj, Kapil and Delbourgo, James, The Brokered World: Go-Betweens and Global Intelligence, 1770–1820, Sagamore Beach: Science History Publications/USA, 2009Google Scholar; Raj, Kapil, Relocating Modern Science: Circulation and the Construction of Knowledge in South Asia and Europe, 1650–1900, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010Google Scholar. For an attempt to explicitly compare the various terms see Standaert, Nicolas, Methodology in View of Contact between Cultures: The China Case in the 17th Century, Hong Kong: Centre for the Study of Religion and Chinese Society, 2002Google Scholar.

12 See Secord, James, ‘Knowledge in transit’, Isis (2004) 95(4), pp. 654–672Google Scholar; and its use in Simon, Josep and Herran, Nestor, ‘Introduction’, in Simon, Josep et al. (eds.), Beyond Borders: Fresh Perspectives in History of Science, Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2008, pp. 1–26Google Scholar.

13 See, for example, Roberts, Lissa, ‘Situating science in global history: local exchanges and networks of circulation’, Itinerario (2009) 33, pp. 9–30Google Scholar; and the articles Safier, Neil, ‘Global knowledge on the move: itineraries, Amerindian narratives, and deep histories of science’, Isis (2010) 101, pp. 133–145Google Scholar; Sivasundaram, Sujit, ‘Sciences and the global: on methods, questions, and theory’, Isis (2010) 101, pp. 146–158Google ScholarPubMed; Tilley, Helen, ‘Global histories, vernacular science, and African genealogies; or, is the history of science ready for the world?’, Isis (2010) 101, pp. 110–119Google Scholar; and Elshakry, Marwa, ‘When science became Western: historiographical reflections’, Isis (2010) 101, pp. 98–109Google Scholar.

14 Sivasundaram, op. cit. (13), pp. 146–148.

15 Darwin, op. cit. (9), pp. 20–21.

16 Gaonkar, Dilip P., ‘The idea of rhetoric in the rhetoric of science’, in Gross, Alan G. and Keith, William (eds.), Rhetorical Hermeneutics: Invention and Interpretation in the Age of Science, New York: State University of New York Press, 1996, pp. 25–88, 37Google Scholar; Bazerman, Charles, ‘Introduction: rhetoricians on the rhetoric of science’, Science, Technology, & Human Values (1989) 14, pp. 3–6, 4Google Scholar; and Dear, Peter, ‘Introduction’, in Dear, (ed.), The Literary Structure of Scientific Argument: Historical Studies, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991, pp. 1–9, 2Google Scholar.

17 I take seminal such studies to be found in Shapin, Steven and Schaffer, Simon, Leviathan and the Air-Pump, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985Google Scholar; Dear, op. cit. (16); Golinski, Jan, Science as Public Culture: Chemistry and Enlightenment in Britain, 1760–1820, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992Google Scholar; and Harris, Randy A. (ed.), Landmark Essays on Rhetoric of Science: Case Studies, Mahwah: Hermagoras, 1997Google Scholar.

18 This approach has been informed by Golinski, Jan, ‘Language, discourse and science’, in Olby, Robert et al. (eds.), Companion to the History of Modern Science, London: Routledge (1996), pp. 110–121Google Scholar.

19 Nieto-Galan, Agustí, ‘“… Not fundamental in a state of full civilization”: the Sociedad Astronómica De Barcelona (1910–1921) and its popularization programme’, Annals of Science (2009) 66, pp. 497–528Google Scholar. For an emphasis on the connection between science rhetoric and science popularization in a historical context see Papanelopoulou, Faidra and Kjaergaard, Peter, ‘Making the paper: science and technology in Spanish, Greek and Danish newspapers around 1900’, Centaurus (2009) 51, pp. 89–96Google Scholar. Finally, for a discussion of translation and language within a specific historical context see Elshakry, Marwa, ‘Knowledge in motion: the cultural politics of modern science translations in Arabic’, Isis (2008) 99, pp. 701–730Google Scholar.

20 Koliopoulos and Veremis, op. cit. (3), pp. 25–27.

21 Dimaras, op. cit. (5), pp. 23–119.

22 For a detailed exposition see Karas, Giorgos (ed.), Ιστορία και φιλοσοφία των επιστημών στον ελληνικό χώρο (History and Philosophy of the Sciences in the Greek Space), Athens: Metaihmio, 2003Google Scholar.

23 Kyprianos, Pantelis, Συγκριτική Ιστορία της Εκπαίδευσης (A Comparative History of Education), Athens: Vivliorama, 2004, pp. 75–81Google Scholar.

24 A thorough exposition, albeit focusing on the early twentieth century, can be found in Antoniou, John, Οι Έλληνες μηχανικοί – Θεσμοί και ιδέες (1900–1940) (The Greek Mechanics – Institutions and Ideas (1900–1940)), Athens: Vivliorama, 2006Google Scholar.

25 Mylonas, Theodoros, ‘The strong tendency to transfer legislation from France to Greece in the first half of the nineteenth century and Maourer's organic law of Greek primary education (1834)’, in Terzis, Nikos (ed.), Education in the Balkans: From the Enlightenment to the Founding of the Nation-States, Thessaloniki: Kyriakides Brothers, 2000, pp. 23–36Google Scholar.

26 Koliopoulos and Veremis, op. cit. (3), p.31.

27 Short biographies of Greek scientists, as well as the relevant data for the description that follows, can be found in Stefanidis, op. cit. (1). Illustrative examples are Dimitrios Stroumpos (1806–1890), professor of physics who had studied in Geneva and Paris; Heracles Mitsopoulos (1816–1892), professor of physiography who had studied in Munich and Berlin; and Anastasios Christomanos (1841–1906), legendary professor of chemistry, who had studied in Vienna, Karlsruhe and Berlin, to name but a few.

28 Lappas, Konstantinos, Πανεπιστήμιο και φοιτητές στην Ελλάδα κατά τον 19ο αιώνα (University and Students in Greece during the Nineteenth Century), Athens: National Hellenic Research Foundation, 2004, p. 411Google Scholar. It must be noted that this number does not include those with a specialization in mathematics. As the distinction in the graduation itself shows, these were considered another kind of expert, and their vocational and epistemic roles were different, in both education and intellectual discourse. The difference is even more pronounced between natural scientists and doctors, who were far more numerous and subject to different regulations and vocational trajectories. Medical doctors were in demand not only within Greece, but also in the general Balkan area and in other Ottoman provinces. As early as 1834, they had formed their own distinct professional institutions, and later on had their own journals. Finally, they both saw themselves and were seen as a distinct kind of expert. See, again, Lappas, op. cit., pp. 401–428. Another example is that the history of the medical school was written and published separately from that of the school of natural sciences, and describes quite a different discipline being formed. See Kouzis, Aristotelis, History of the Medical School, Athens: Pyrsos 1939, pp. 1–8Google Scholar. For all these reasons, these professionals are not included in the analysis in this paper.

29 Stefanidis, op. cit. (1), pp. 5–28.

30 Gourgouris, op. cit. (5), pp. 87–88.

31 Baird, Henry, Modern Greece: A Narrative of a Residence and Travels in that Country; With Observations on Its Antiquities, Literature, Language, Politics and Religion, New York: Harper & Brothers, 1856, pp. 83–85Google Scholar.

32 Gourgouris, op. cit. (5), gives a good account of the intellectual milieu of the era, as does Dimaras, op. cit. (5).

33 Thereianos, Dimitris, Αδαμάντιος Κοραής (Adamantios Korais), Tergesti: Loyd, 1889, p. 43Google Scholar. See also Damvergis's speech in Κωνσταντίνος Μητσόπουλος, Επί τη εικοσιπενταετηρίδι της καθηγεσίας αυτού εν τω Εθνικώ Πανεπιστημίω 1875–1900 (Konstantinos Mitsopoulos: On the Twenty-Five Years of His Professorship 1875–1900), Athens: UP, 1901, p. 27. A similar change in mentality was happening in the German lands, whose cultural influence was strong in Greek intellectual space. See Olesko, Kathryn, ‘Physics instruction in Prussian secondary schools before 1859’, Osiris (1989) 5, pp. 95–98Google Scholar.

34 Vouris, op. cit. (2), p. 14. All translations from Greek are my own.

35 Mitsopoulos, Hercules, Ηρακλέους Μητσοπούλου κατά την έναρξιν των εν τω Πανεπιστημίω παραδόσεών του ως καθηγητού της Φυσικής Ιστορίας Λόγος εισιτήριος, Ανατύπωσις εκ του περιοδικού «Προμηθεύς» (Hercules Mitsopoulos's Inaugural Speech, Delivered at the Beginning of His Lectures in the University of Athens), Athens: Trimi Printing House, 1892, p. 15Google Scholar.

36 Η τεσσερακονταετηρίς του Αναστασίου Χρηστομάνου (The Forty-Year Jubilee of Anastasios K. Christomanos), Athens: Leonis Printing House, 1906, p. 24.

37 See, for example, Argyropoulos, Timoleon, ‘Δημήτριος Στρούμπος’ (Dimitrios Stroumpos), Parnassos (1890) 13, p. 172Google Scholar; and Heldreich, Theodor Von, Θ. Γ. Ορφανίδης ως βοτανικός : Σκιαγραφία (Th. G. Orfanidis as a Botanic: An Outline), Athens: UP, 1887, pp. 272–273Google Scholar.

38 For a discussion on the history and impact of the Grand Idea in Greece see Cremmydas, Vassilis, Η Μεγάλη Ιδέα – Μεταμορφώσεις ενός εθνικού ιδεολογήματος (The Grand Idea: Transformations of a National Ideology), Athens: Typothito (2010)Google Scholar and Koliopoulos and Veremis, op. cit. (3), pp. 27–59.

39 Κωνσταντίνος Μητσόπουλος, op. cit. (33), p. 29.

40 Εικοσιπενταετηρις Α.Κ. Δαμβέργη 1892–1917 (The Twenty-Five Year Jubilee of A.K. Damvergis), Athens: Kargiotaki Printing House, 1917.

41 Orfanidis, Theodoros, Λόγος εκφωνηθείς τη ΚΣΤ' Νοεμβρίου 1867 ημέρα της επισήμου εγκαθιδρύσεως των νέων αρχών του Εθνικού πανεπιστημίου υπό του τακτικού καθηγητού της Βοτανικής Θεοδώρου Γ. Ορφανίδου (Speech Given on 26 November by Professor of Botany Theodoros G. Orfanidis), Athens: Ktena and Soutsa Printing House, 1868, p. 28Google Scholar.

42 See, for example, Dimaras, op. cit. (5); Politis, Alexis, Ρωμαντικά Χρόνια: Ιδεολογίες και νοοτροπίες στην Ελλάδα του 1830–1880 (Romantic Years: Ideologies and Mentalities in Greece from 1830 to 1880), Athens: EMNE-Mnimon, 2008Google Scholar.

43 Guthenke, Constanze, Placing Modern Greece: The Dynamics of Romantic Hellenism, 1770–1840, Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2008, pp. 140–190Google Scholar. For a specific analysis, albeit overgeneralizing, of the political and social role of the ‘Romantics’ in this era, see Petmezas, Socrates, ‘From privileged outcasts to power players: the “Romantic” redefinition of the Hellenic nation in the mid-nineteenth century’, in Beaton, Roderick and Ricks, David (eds.), The Making of Modern Greece: Nationalism, Romanticism, and the Uses of the Past (1797–1896), Farnham: Ashgate, 2009, pp. 123–136Google Scholar.

44 Jubilees are prime examples. See Εικοσιπενταετηρις Α. Κ. Δαμβέργη, op. cit. (40), Κωνσταντίνος Μητσόπουλος, op. cit. (33); Η τεσσερακονταετηρίς του Αναστασίου Χρηστομάνου, op. cit. (36); and Germanos, Nikolaos, Βιογραφικαί σημειώσεις περί του καθηγητού Αναστασίου Κ. Χρηστομάνου Τεύχος πανηγυρικόν 1866–1896 (Biographical Notes on Professor Anastasios Christomanos), Athens: Paraskeva Leoni Printing House, 1896Google Scholar.

45 Damvergis, Anastasios, Robert Bunsen, Athens: Estia, 1900, pp. 16–18Google Scholar.

46 Mitsopoulos, op. cit. (35), pp. 9–10.

47 Argyropoulos, Timoleon, Λόγος απαγγελθείς εν των Εθνικώ Πανεπιστημίω τη 22 Νοεμβρίου 1898 υπό Τιμολέοντος Αργυρόπουλου, τακτικού καθηγητή της Φυσικής παραλαμβάνοντως την πρυτανεία (Speech Delivered on 22 November 1898 by Professor Timoleon Argyropoulos, Receiving the Rectorship), Athens: Anestis Konstantinidis Printing House, 1900, pp. 6–8Google Scholar.

48 Stroumpos, Dimitrios, Περί των γνώσεων και των δοξασιών των τε αρχαίων και νεωτέρων ως προς τα φυσικά φαινόμενα εν γένει και των μεθόδων που ερευνά αυτά (On the Knowledge and Beliefs of the Ancients and Later about the Physical Phenomena and the Methods that Explore Them), Athens: Kopida and Gavriel Printing House, 1858, p. 30Google Scholar.

49 Argyropoulos, op. cit. (47), pp. 15–21.

50 Remoundos, Georgios, Περί των προόδων της Μαθηματικής Ανάλυσης κατά τον λήξαντα αιώνα και κατά τα τελευταία έτη. Η επιστήμη υπό έποψην απολαύσεως και υπό έποψην εθνικήν (On the Progress of Mathematical Analysis during the Previous Century and Recent Years: Science as Enjoyment and as a National Enterprise), Athens: Estia, 1906, p. 13Google Scholar.

51 Christomanos, Anastasios, Εναρκτήριος λόγος εκφωνηθείς τη 2 Μαΐου 1864 (Inaugural Speech given on 2 May 1864), Athens: Mavromattis Printing House, 1864, p. 3Google Scholar.

52 Εικοσιπενταετηρις Α. Κ. Δαμβέργη, op. cit. (40), p. 12. This specific speech is given by A. Vournazos, professor of general experimental chemistry in the National Polytechnic School of Athens.

53 Mitsopoulos, op. cit. (35), pp. 3–4.

54 Orfanidis, op. cit. (41), pp. 29–30.

55 The journal Parnassos has been published by the eponymous society continuously from 1877 onwards. Especially in the nineteenth century, the society acted as the recognized locus of intellectual and artistic life of Athens, spawning movements and countermovements in poetry and literature. Participation in the society was a highly sought honour. That Christomanos and Argyropoulos were members is very indicative of their status as university professors.

56 Christomanos, Anastasios, ‘Η ηθική προάγεται υπό των Φυσικών Επιστημών’ (Morality is advanced through the natural sciences), Parnassos (1877) A, pp. 51Google Scholar, 56–57.

57 See, for example, Mitsopoulos, Konstantinos, ‘Η σπουδή της φύσεως και αι εξ αυτής ωφέλειαι’ (The study of nature and its benefits), Promitheus (1890) A, pp. 2–5Google Scholar; Argyropoulos, op. cit. (47); Stroumpos, op. cit. (48); Κωνσταντίνος Μητσόπουλος, op. cit. (33).

58 Orfanidis, op. cit. (41), pp. 21–22. He also expressed similar ‘liberating’ sentiments in his eulogy for Iossif Pittakos, a general of the Greek army in 1866. See Λόγοι επικήδειοι εις Ιωσήφ Πιττακόν υποστράτηγον του τακτικού στρατού (Speeches Given on the Demise of Iossif Pittakos), Athens: Hermou, 1866, pp. 7–10.

59 Christomanos, op. cit. (51), p. 16.

60 The exceptions are very few. One is the case of Mitsopoulos, op. cit. (35), another the case of Christomanos, op. cit. (51).

61 Argyropoulos, op. cit. (47), p. 4.

62 Such is the case with Stroumpos's rectorial address in 1858, for example, where he offhandedly refers to the Byzantine Empire as Roman and in a continuous state of decline. See Stroumpos, op. cit. (48), p. 16–17.

63 Politis, op. cit. (42), pp. 39–47.

64 The founder of this national historiographical school is considered to be Konstantinos Paparigopoulos, a professor in the University of Athens. For a general overview of his work and aims see Karamanolakis, Vaggelis, Η συγκρότηση της ιστορικής επιστήμης και η διδασκαλία της ιστορίας στο Πανεπιστήμιο Αθηνών (1837–1932) (The Formation of the Discipline of History and the Teaching of History in the University of Athens), Athens: Institute of Neohellenic Studies/National Hellenic Research Foundation, 2006Google Scholar. A briefer discussion, influenced by deconstructivist theories, is to be found in Koundoura, Maria, The Greek Idea: The Formation of National and Transnational Identities, London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2007, pp. 85–97Google Scholar.

65 Orfanidis, op. cit. (41), pp. 14–15.

66 Christomanos, op. cit. (51), pp. 16–17.

67 See Argyropoulos, op. cit. (47); and Apostolidis, Nikolaos, Εισιτήριος λόγος εις το μάθημα της Ζωολογίας, υπό Νικολάου Χ. Αποστολίδη, εκφωνηθείς εν τω Εθνικώ Πανεπιστημίω τη 10 Ιανουαρίου 1884 (Inaugural Lecture Given on 10 January 1884), Athens: Asmodaios Printing House, 1884Google Scholar.

68 History was also sometimes used as a subtle weapon in the intra-university disputes. Nikolaos Apostolidis, in his inaugural lecture in zoology, devotes pages upon pages to a eulogy of the little-known first professor of zoology and natural history, Kyriakos Domnados, while completely ignoring his contemporary Heracles Mitsopoulos, whose nephew was the rival Professor Konstantinos Mitsopoulos. He thus establishes his difference by claiming a different lineage to Mitsopoulos. See Apostolidis, op. cit. (67), pp. 8–15.

69 Orfanidis, op. cit. (41), p. 19.

70 Anastasios Christomanos, ‘Περί διδασκαλίας της Χημείας’ (On teaching chemistry), Parnassos (1879) Γ, 1879, pp. 680–681. In the next part of his article Christomanos is clear about who acts as his measures of comparison: Hoffman and Bunsen.

71 Vouris, op. cit. (2), p. 15.

72 Κωνσταντίνος Μητσόπουλος, op. cit. (33), p. 37.

73 Stroumpos, op. cit. (48), p. 13.

74 See Apostolidis, op. cit. (67), pp. 6–7.

75 Again, it should be noted that Greek scientists were unanimous in these pronouncements. Leandros Dosios, in his inaugural speech on heat as a lecturer in organic chemistry, Εναρκτήριον μάθημα εν τω εθνικώ Πανεπιστημίω-Περί θερμότητος, Athens: Perry-Vampa Printing House, 1869, uses original sources to show how the ancient Greek philosophers disregarded experiment generally, even if some, like Aristotle, used it sporadically. Other than that, however, he does not stray from the beaten path of presenting a brief history of his discipline, albeit one that uses explicitly a Comtean scheme and is focused on contemporary, not ancient, achievements.

76 The ‘model kingdom of the east’ was the new King George's ideal for the new state, as it was expressed in his inauguration in 1863. It was, among other things, a call for the modernization of Greece, but also of the idea that Greece as a nation had a special destiny, to act as a carrier and a model of progress for all Eastern and Balkan states. See Dimaras, op. cit. (5); and Skopetea, Elli, Το Πρότυπο Βασίλειο και η μεγάλη ιδέα- Όψεις του εθνικού προβλήματος στην Ελλάδα (1830–1880) (The Model Kingdom and the Grand Idea: Facets of the National Problem in Greece), Athens: Polytypo, 1988Google Scholar.

77 Agrantoni, Christina, ‘Η Ελληνική οικονομία στον πρώτο βιομηχανικό αιώνα’ (The Greek economy), in Ιστορία Του Νέου Ελληνισμού 1770–2000 (History of New Hellenism, 1770–2000), vol. 4, Athens: Ellinika Grammata, 2003, pp. 61–74Google Scholar.

78 One can see the various such efforts in Stefanidis, op. cit. (1), pp. 7–26.

79 Orfanidis, op. cit. (41), p. 6; and Remoundos, op. cit. (50), pp. 14–15. Orfanidis in this case first presents and then criticizes the proposal of Justus von Liebig that the measure of a nation's civilization is the use of soap, offering, as is to be expected of a Greek of his time, the Ottoman Empire as a counterexample.

80 Christomanos, op. cit. (56), pp. 5–6, p. 32.

81 Dosios, Leandros, Περί βιομηχανίας εν Ελλάδι (On the Question of Industry in Greece), Athens: Efimerida ton Sizitiseon, 1871, pp. 3–5Google Scholar. Dosios is an interesting example of a technological chemist coming from the German lands and defending a very modernistic, positivist ethos which does not engage with the prevalent notions of the classical Greek heritage. In other works, he explicitly references Auguste Comte (see Dosios, op. cit. (75)). However tempting the conclusion is, it is not certain whether these views had any relation to his failure to rise within the ranks of the university, despite his qualifications and family history.

82 Spiridon Miliarakis, Περι της σημασίας των Βοτανικών Εργαστηρίων, Λόγος εκφωνηθείς τη 28η Ιυνίου 1901 επί τοις εγκαινίοις του Βοτανικού Εργαστηρίου του Εθνικού Πανεπιστημίου (On the Importance of Botanical Laboratories: Speech Given on the Occasion of the Founding of the New Botanical Laboratory of the University of Athens), Athens: Estia, 1901, pp. 19–21. Interestingly enough, Miliarakis quotes an 1865 speech by Virchow to assert the ethical liberation that natural sciences bring.

83 Antoniou, op. cit. (24), pp. 210–276; Antoniou, Yiannis, Assimakopoulos, Michalis and Chatzis, Konstantinos, ‘The national identity of inter-war Greek engineers: elitism, rationalization, technocracy, and reactionary modernism’, History and Technology (2007) 23, pp. 241–261Google Scholar.

84 O'Brien, Patrick, ‘European economic development: the contribution of the periphery’, Economic History Review (1982) 35, pp. 1–18, 18Google Scholar.

85 Briefly, we could mention the spectacular way that Greek men of science involved the public in their internal disputes; their involvement with textbook publication; the way they were depicted in contemporary paintings, pictures or even sketches; their use of the katharevousa, the semi-artificial language adopted by the state for all official use versus the dimotiki, the language used by the populace in everyday life; or their engagement with poetic competitions, philological treatises and archaeology.