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Imperial vernacular: phytonymy, philology and disciplinarity in the Indo-Pacific, 1800–1900

  • GEOFF BIL (a1)
Abstract

This essay examines how Indo-Pacific indigenous plant names went from being viewed as instruments of botanical fieldwork, to being seen primarily as currency in anthropological studies. I trace this attitude to Alexander von Humboldt, who differentiated between indigenous phytonyms with merely local relevance to be used as philological data, and universally applicable Latin plant names. This way of using indigenous plant names underwrote a chauvinistic reading of cultural difference, and was therefore especially attractive to commentators lacking acquaintance with any indigenous language or culture. When New Zealand anthropologists embraced this role for Māori phytonyms in the 1890s, however, they did so possessed of a relatively in-depth understanding of Māori culture and the Māori language. This discussion has three primary aims: to illuminate nineteenth-century scholarly engagements with Indo-Pacific plant classifications, in contrast to a prevailing historiographical emphasis on European disregard for this subject; to analyse how indigenous phytonyms acted as ‘boundary objects’ interfacing between cultures and disciplines; and to illustrate the politics of scientific disciplinarity in a colonial context.

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Funding for this research was provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the University of British Columbia's Department of History. Additional support was provided by the Stout Centre for New Zealand Studies at Victoria University of Wellington and the Department of History at the University of Sussex. For assistance and permissions, I acknowledge the helpful staff at the Auckland Museum Library and Alexander Turnbull Library; and Kiri Ross-Jones, Lorna Cahill and others at the Library and Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Ian St George, Rowan Burns, Simon Nathan and the late David Galloway generously provided access to additional research materials. I am likewise indebted to audience members at the Science and Islands in the Indo-Pacific World conference at the University of Cambridge, where a preliminary version of this paper was presented in 2016. This article also benefited from discussions with Dominic Berry, Dorit Brixius, Jim Endersby, Richard Hill, Nick Jardine, Darrell Racine and Graeme Whimp. I am especially grateful to Bob Brain, Joy Dixon, Šebestián Kroupa, Gordon McOuat, Coll Thrush, Mark Turin, Jai Virdi and Jessica Wang for comments and criticisms on earlier versions of this research. All errors and shortcomings are, of course, my own.

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1 William Colenso's itinerary is given in ‘Memoranda of Journies made among the Natives of New Zealand; from the year 1836, to the year 1841, inclusive. Extracted from Private Journal’, 1841, William Colenso Papers, Alexander Turnbull Library, Wellington, MS-0589, p. 90.

2 William Colenso to William Hooker, 20 July 1841, in St George, Ian (ed.), Colenso's Collections: Including the Unpublished Work of the Late Bruce Hamlin on William Colenso's New Zealand Plants, Wellington: New Zealand Native Orchid Group, 2009, pp. 143149.

3 On imperial go-betweens see Schaffer, Simon, Roberts, Lissa, Raj, Kapil and Delbourgo, James (eds.), The Brokered World: Go-Betweens and Global Intelligence, 1770–1820, Sagamore Beach, MA: Science History Publications, 2009; Raj, Kapil, Relocating Modern Science: Circulation and the Construction of Knowledge in South Asia and Europe, 1650–1900, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007, pp. 1718. On the intersection of botany and commerce see Damodaran, Vinita, Winterbottom, Anna and Lester, Alan (eds.), The East India Company and the Natural World, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015; Schiebinger, Londa and Swan, Claudia (eds.), Colonial Botany: Science, Commerce, and Politics in the Early Modern World, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005; Schiebinger, Londa, Plants and Empire: Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004, pp. 73104; Grove, Richard, Green Imperialism: Colonial Expansion, Tropical Island Edens and the Origins of Environmentalism, 1600–1860, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995, pp. 7394.

4 Colenso, William and Hooker, William, ‘Journal of a Naturalist in some little known parts of New Zealand’, London Journal of Botany (1844) 3, pp. 162, 3.

5 Colenso, William, Three Literary Papers Read before the Hawke's Bay Philosophical Institute, during the Session of 1882, Napier, 1883, pp. 12, 15, 21, my emphasis.

6 On indigenous marginalization after Linnaeus see Tobin, Beth Fowkes, Colonizing Nature: The Tropics in British Arts and Letters, 1760–1820, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005, pp. 27, 197; Schiebinger, op. cit. (3), pp. 194–225, esp. 224; Drayton, Richard, Nature's Government: Science, Imperial Britain, and the ‘Improvement’ of the World, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000, pp. 41, 45, 232; Mackay, David, ‘Agents of empire: the Banksian collectors and evaluation of new lands’, in Miller, David Philip and Reill, Peter Hanns (eds.), Visions of Empire: Voyages, Botany, and Representations of Nature, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 3857, 54; Pratt, Mary Louise, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, London: Routledge, 1992, pp. 31, 35.

7 Star, Susan Leigh and Griesemer, James R., ‘Institutional ecology: “translations” and boundary objects: amateurs and professionals in Berkeley's Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, 1907–39’, Social Studies of Science (1989) 19(3), 387420.

8 Foucault, Michel, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences, New York: Vintage, 1970; Bod, Rens and Kursell, Julia (eds.), Focus: The History of Humanities and the History of Science, Isis (2015) 106(2).

9 Smith, Linda Tuhiwai, Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples, Dunedin: University of Otago Press, 1999, pp. 5859, 65–68; Geniusz, Wendy Makoons, Our Knowledge Is Not Primitive: Decolonizing Botanical Anishinaabe Teachings, Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2009, pp. 6, 92, 102.

10 On species and priority disputes see Endersby, Jim, Imperial Nature: Joseph Hooker and the Practices of Victorian Science, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2008, pp. 154159, 201–202; Opitz, Donald L., ‘“The sceptre of her pow'r”: nymphs, nobility, and nomenclature in early Victorian science’, BJHS (2013) 47(1), pp. 6794.

11 Douglas, Bronwen, ‘Novus Orbis Australis”: Oceania in the science of race, 1750–1850’, in Douglas, and Ballard, Chris (eds.), Foreign Bodies: Oceania and the Science of Race, 1750–1940, Canberra: ANU Press, 2008, pp. 99156, 114.

12 Ballantyne, Tony, Orientalism and Race: Aryanism in the British Empire, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002, p. 62; Howe, K.R., The Quest for Origins: Who First Discovered and Settled New Zealand and the Pacific Islands?, Auckland: Penguin, 2003, p. 44; Stocking, George W. Jr, Victorian Anthropology, New York: Free Press, 1987, pp. 2324.

13 See, for instance, Cannon, Susan Faye, Science and Culture: The Early Victorian Period, New York: Neale Watson, 1978, pp. 73110; Dettelbach, Michael, ‘Humboldtian science’, in Jardine, Nicholas, Secord, James and Spary, Emma (eds.), Cultures of Natural History, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 287304.

14 Although both Humboldt and Bonpland are credited as authors of the Personal Narrative and other works, I cite Humboldt as sole author in the main body of this essay owing to the fact that he did the lion's share of the writing. See Wulf, Andrea, The Invention of Nature: The Adventures of Alexander von Humboldt, the Lost Hero of Science, London: John Murray, 2015, pp. 125126.

15 Alexander von Humboldt and Aimé Bonpland, Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent, during the years 1799–1804 (tr. Helena Maria Williams), 7 vols., London: (vols. 1–5) Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and Brown, 1814–1821, (vols. 6–7) Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown and Green, 1826–1829, vol. 4, p. 513.

16 Humboldt and Bonpland, op. cit. (15), vol. 5, p. 82.

17 In Bonpland's case, this likely changed after his return to the Americas in 1816, especially given his interests in economic and pharmaceutical botany. See Bell, Stephen, A Life in Shadow: Aimé Bonpland in Southern South America, 1817–1858, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2010, pp. 142143.

18 Humboldt and Bonpland, op. cit. (15), vol. 3, pp. 230–241, 248–249.

19 Humboldt and Bonpland, op. cit. (15), vol. 3, pp. 246 fn., 247, 252, 259–267. See also von Humboldt, Wilhelm, On Language: The Diversity of Human Language-Structure and Its Influence on the Mental Development of Mankind (tr. Heath, Peter), Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988, pp. 27, 100, 107–108, 145, 217.

20 Humboldt and Bonpland, op. cit. (15), vol. 3, pp. 272, 274–275. Wulf and Aaron Sachs gloss over this distinction. See Wulf, op. cit. (14), p. 90; Sachs, Aaron, The Humboldt Current: Nineteenth-Century Exploration and the Roots of American Environmentalism, New York: Viking, 2006, p. 68.

21 Blaut, James Morris, The Colonizer's Model of the World: Geographical Diffusionism and Eurocentric History, New York: Guilford Press, 1993, pp. 9597. Puzzlingly, Sachs, op. cit. (20), 392 n. 71, argues that ‘Humboldt's appreciation of native languages clearly flouts’ this model.

22 Nicolson, Malcolm, ‘Alexander von Humboldt and the geography of vegetation’, in Cunningham, Andrew and Jardine, Nicholas (eds.), Romanticism and the Sciences, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990, pp. 169185, 170.

23 von Humboldt, Alexander and Bonpland, Aimé, Essay on the Geography of Plants (ed. Jackson, Stephen T., tr. Romanowski, Sylvie), Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2009, pp. 6567, 74, 76.

24 Humboldt and Bonpland, op. cit. (23), pp. 70–73, 75, 133.

25 Walls, Laura Dassow, Seeing New Worlds: Henry David Thoreau and Nineteenth-Century Natural Science, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995, p. 177.

26 Humboldt and Bonpland, op. cit. (23), pp. 86–87.

27 Humboldt and Bonpland, op. cit. (15), vol. 1, p. iv.

28 On the purportedly immutable character of Linnaean nomenclature, owing to its identification of plant characteristics independently of local context, see Müller-Wille, Staffan, ‘Nature as a marketplace: the political economy of Linnaean botany’, History of Political Economy (2003) 35, pp. 154172, 163–164.

29 Humboldt and Bonpland, op. cit. (23), pp. 70–73.

30 Humboldt and Bonpland, op. cit. (15), vol. 3, pp. 272–274.

31 Humboldt and Bonpland, op. cit. (15), vol. 3, p. 265.

32 Grove, op. cit. (3), pp. 237–245; Browne, Janet, The Secular Ark: Studies in the History of Biogeography, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1983, pp. 3536; Douglas and Ballard, op. cit. (11).

33 Mr. John Crawfurd, F.R.S.’, Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society (1867–1868) 12, pp. 234238.

34 Crawfurd, John, History of the Indian Archipelago: Containing an Account of the Manners, Arts, Languages, Religions, Institutions, and Commerce of Its Inhabitants, 3 vols., Edinburgh: Archibald Constable and Co., 1820, vol. 1, p. 14.

35 Crawfurd, John, A Grammar and Dictionary of the Malay Language, with a Preliminary Dissertation, 2 vols., London: Smith, Elder, and Co., 1852, vol. 1, p. vi.

36 Crawfurd, op. cit. (34), vol. 1, pp. 177, 358, 387–388; vol. 2, p. 85.

37 Crawfurd, op. cit. (34), vol. 2, pp. 8–9; Ramstedt, Martin, ‘Colonial encounters between India and Indonesia’, in Sinha, Babli (ed.), South Asian Transnationalisms: Cultural Exchange in the Twentieth Century, London: Routledge, 2012, pp. 6683, 70.

38 Crawfurd, op. cit. (35), vol. 1, p. viii; Crawfurd to George Bentham, 19 December 1854, Bentham Papers, Kew Gardens Library, London, GEB 1/2, 603.

39 Henze, Brent R., ‘Emergent genres in young disciplines: the case of ethnological science’, Technical Communication Quarterly (2004) 13(4), pp. 393421, 414–419.

40 Star and Griesemer, op. cit. (7), p. 393, original emphasis.

41 Crawfurd, op. cit. (34), vol. 1, pp. 24–25; vol. 2, pp. 21, 94; vol. 3, pp. 6–7 n., 273 n. See also Ellingson, Ter, The Myth of the Noble Savage, Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001, pp. 265268.

42 Desmond, Adrian and Moore, James, Darwin's Sacred Cause: How a Hatred of Slavery Shaped Darwin's Views on Human Evolution, Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2009; Stocking, op. cit. (12).

43 Crawfurd, , ‘On the migration of cultivated plants in reference to ethnology: articles of food’, Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London (1867) 5, pp. 178192, 183.

44 Cañizares-Esguerra, Jorge, How to Write the History of the New World: Histories, Epistemologies, and Identities in the Eighteenth-Century Atlantic World, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001, pp. 5559, 125–129.

45 Schiebinger, op. cit. (3), pp. 195, 224.

46 On the significance of Candolle's work for nineteenth-century biogeography see Browne, op. cit. (32), pp. 82–85.

47 My translation. de Candolle, Alphonse, Géographie botanique raisonnée, ou exposition des faits principaux et des lois concernant la distribution géographique des plantes de l’époque actuelle, 2 vols., Paris: Masson, 1855, vol. 2, pp. 627628.

48 Desmond and Moore, op. cit. (42).

49 [Bentham] criticizes this aspect of the book in Edinburgh Review (1856) 104(212), pp. 490–518, 501–502.

50 Candolle, op. cit. (47), vol. 2, pp. 819, 878, 912–913, 980.

51 Browne, Janet, ‘Darwin's botanical arithmetic and the “principle of divergence”, 1854–1858’, Journal of the History of Biology (1980) 13(1), pp. 5389, 54–56, 64; Endersby, op. cit. (10), pp. 215, 226, 228–229, 236–238, 246.

52 Candolle, op. cit. (47), vol. 2, pp. 627–628, 688–689.

53 Candolle, op. cit. (47), vol. 1, p. xviii.

54 Berthold Seemann, preface to Seemann, The Popular Nomenclature of the American Flora, Hannover: Carl Rümpler, 1851, n.p.

55 Economic botany features prominently, for instance, in Seemann's, Berthold Flora Vitiensis: A Description of the Plants of the Viti or Fiji Islands, with an Account of Their History, Uses, and Properties, London: Lovell Reeve and Co., 1865. It also plays a significant role in the Journal of Botany, British and Foreign, which Seemann established in 1863.

56 Anon., , ‘Picture quiz: Berthold Carol [sic.] Seemann’, The Linnean (2000) 16, pp. 612.

57 Seemann, Berthold, Narrative of the Voyage of the H.M.S. Herald during the Years 1845–51, under the command of Captain Henry Kellett, R.N., C.B.; Being a Circumnavigation of the Globe …, 2 vols., London: Reeve and Co., 1853, vol. 2, pp. 8389.

58 Seemann was drawing on his own research in Vitian cotton and nomenclature. See Seemann, op. cit. (55), pp. 19–23.

59 [Seemann], review of Maori–Latin Index to the Handbook of the New Zealand Flora, Journal of Botany, British and Foreign (1867) 5, pp. 215216.

60 Hall, Catherine, Civilising Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagination 1830–1867, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2002, pp. 47, 56, 275, 284.

61 Bayly, Christopher A., Empire and Information: Intelligence Gathering and Social Communication in India, 1780–1870, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 5092.

62 Belich, James, The Victorian Interpretation of Racial Conflict: The Maori, the British, and the New Zealand Wars, Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1989, pp. 7380.

63 On the Otago gold rush see Belich, James, Making Peoples: A History of the New Zealanders from Polynesian Settlement to the End of the Nineteenth Century, Auckland: Penguin, 1996, pp. 345349, 369–370.

64 John Buchanan to Richard Gore, 21 December 1865; James Hector to Richard Gore, 23 December 1865, in Rowan Burns and Simon Nathan (eds.), James Hector in Northland, 1865–1866, Geoscience Society of New Zealand miscellaneous publication 133G, 2013, pp. 26–28.

65 James Hector to Walter Mantell, 7 December 1865, 18 March 1866; John Buchanan to Richard Gore, 21 December 1865, 14 January 1866; James Hector to Richard Gore, 23 December 1865, in Burns and Nathan, op. cit. (64), pp. 4, 25, 31–33.

66 John Buchanan to Richard Gore, 21 December 1865, 14 January 1866, in Burns and Nathan, op. cit. (64), pp. 26–27, 31–33.

67 James Hector to Walter Mantell, 17 September 1875, in Rowan Burns and Simon Nathan (eds.), A Quick Run Home: Correspondence while James Hector Was Overseas in 1875–1876, Geoscience Society of New Zealand miscellaneous publication 133E, 2012, p. 24.

68 Hector, James, ‘Notice of a new species of Pomaderris (P. tainui.)’, Transactions and Proceedings of the New Zealand Institute (hereafter TP) (1878) 11, pp. 428429.

69 Belich, op. cit. (62), pp. 75–76.

70 Sorrenson, M.P.K., Maori Origins and Migrations: The Genesis of Some Pakeha Myths and Legends, Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1979, p. 30.

71 de Candolle, Alphonse, Origin of Cultivated Plants, London: Kegan Paul, Trench & Co., 1884, pp. 21, 2328.

72 Smith, Stephenson Percy, Reminiscences of a Pioneer Surveyor (ed. Hill, Richard S. and Patterson, Brad), Wellington: Treaty of Waitangi Research Unit, 2011 (first published 1916), pp. 3738.

73 Sorrenson, , Manifest Duty: The Polynesian Society over 100 Years, Auckland: Polynesian Society Department of Anthropology, 1992, p. 24.

74 Riddell, Kate, ‘“Improving” the Maori: counting the ideology of intermarriage’, New Zealand Journal of History (2000) 34(1), pp. 8097.

75 Smith, Stephenson Percy, ‘Hawaiki: the whence of the Maori: being an introduction to Rarotonga history’, 3 parts, Journal of the Polynesian Society (hereafter JPS), Part 1, (1898) 7(3), pp. 137177; Part 2, (1898) 7(4), pp. 185–223; Part 3, (1899) 8(1), pp. 1–48, Part 1, p. 138.

76 Stephenson Percy Smith to Thomas Cheeseman, 14 September 1889, Cheeseman Papers, Auckland Museum Library, Auckland, MS 58 (hereafter CP), Box 16, Folder 4.

77 Smith, Stephenson Percy, ‘Futuna, or Horne Island and its people’, JPS (1892) 1, pp. 3352, 50.

78 Smith, op. cit. (75), Part 1, pp. 138–139.

79 Smith, op. cit. (75), Part 1, pp. 175–176; Part 2, pp. 214–215; Part 3, pp. 46–47.

80 Smith, op. cit. (77), pp. 50, 52.

81 Stephenson Percy Smith to Thomas Cheeseman, 11 September 1903, CP, Box 16, Folder 4.

82 Stephenson Percy Smith to Thomas Cheeseman, 19 April 1899, CP, Box 16, Folder 4.

83 Graeme Whimp, ‘Polynesian origins and destinations: reading the Pacific with S. Percy Smith’, PhD thesis, Australian National University, 2014, p. 144.

84 Smith to Cheeseman, 6 December 1901, 30 January 1902, CP, Box 16, Folder 4.

85 Stephenson Percy Smith to Thomas Cheeseman, 19 April 1899, 20 January 1902, 5 June 1903, 11 September 1903, 19 September 1904, 18 October 1904, 5 November 1904, 28 December 1904, 25 October 1906, CP, Box 16, Folder 4.

86 Cheeseman, Thomas, Manual of the New Zealand Flora, Wellington: John Mackay, 1906, pp. 10941111.

87 Cheeseman, op. cit. (86), p. 1094.

88 Holman, Jeffrey Paparoa, Best of Both Worlds: The Story of Elsdon Best and Tutakangahau, Auckland: Penguin, 2010, pp. 8082; Tuhiwai Smith, op. cit. (9), pp. 83–84.

89 Holman, op. cit. (88), pp. 93–94.

90 Holman, op. cit. (88), pp. 127; Best, Elsdon, ‘Maori forest lore: being some account of native forest lore and woodcraft, as also of many myths, rites, customs, and superstitions connected with the flora and fauna of the Tuhoe or Ure-wera district’, TP (1907) 40, pp. 185254, 186, 199.

91 Holman, op. cit. (88), pp. 24, 89, 101–102, 125–126, 285.

92 Elsdon Best to Thomas Cheeseman, 13 August 1896, 20 July 1898, Elsdon Best Museum Correspondence, Auckland Museum Library, Auckland, MUS-95-38-2 (hereafter EB); Thomas Cheeseman to Elsdon Best, 6 July 1898, Outward Correspondence, Auckland Museum Library, Auckland, MUS-96-6-4.

93 Elsdon Best to Thomas Cheeseman, 24 November 1898, EB; Elsdon Best to Thomas Cheeseman, 1 January 1902, 14 March 1902, 21 July 1902, CP, Box 3, Folder 1.

94 Elsdon Best to Thomas Cheeseman, 22 April 1909, CP, Box 3, Folder 1. The folder includes six undated letters referencing specimens sent to Cheeseman.

95 Elsdon Best to Thomas Cheeseman, 7 October 1906, CP, Box 3, Folder 1; Cheeseman, op. cit. (86), xxxvi.

96 Best, Elsdon, Waikare-moana, the Sea of the Rippling Waters: The Lake; the Land; the Legends, with a Tramp through Tuhoe Land, Wellington: John Mackay, 1897, p. 1.

97 Best, op. cit. (90), p. 185

98 Best, op. cit. (90), pp. 199–207, 209–210, 227, 231–232.

99 On the role of referencing and black-boxing in establishing matters of fact see Latour, Bruno, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987, pp. 3344.

100 Elsdon Best to Thomas Cheeseman, 20 July 1898, EB.

101 Carroll, Clint, Roots of Our Renewal: Ethnobotany and Cherokee Environmental Governance, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2015; Salmón, Enrique, Eating the Landscape: American Indian Stories of Food, Identity, and Resilience, Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2012; Geniusz, op. cit. (9).

102 Osseo-Asare, Abena Dove, Bitter Roots: The Search for Healing Plants in Africa, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2014; Laveaga, Gabriela Soto, Jungle Laboratories: Mexican Peasants, National Projects, and the Making of the Pill, Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2009; Hayden, Cori, When Nature Goes Public: The Making and Unmaking of Bioprospecting in Mexico, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003.

Funding for this research was provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada and the University of British Columbia's Department of History. Additional support was provided by the Stout Centre for New Zealand Studies at Victoria University of Wellington and the Department of History at the University of Sussex. For assistance and permissions, I acknowledge the helpful staff at the Auckland Museum Library and Alexander Turnbull Library; and Kiri Ross-Jones, Lorna Cahill and others at the Library and Archives, Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew. Ian St George, Rowan Burns, Simon Nathan and the late David Galloway generously provided access to additional research materials. I am likewise indebted to audience members at the Science and Islands in the Indo-Pacific World conference at the University of Cambridge, where a preliminary version of this paper was presented in 2016. This article also benefited from discussions with Dominic Berry, Dorit Brixius, Jim Endersby, Richard Hill, Nick Jardine, Darrell Racine and Graeme Whimp. I am especially grateful to Bob Brain, Joy Dixon, Šebestián Kroupa, Gordon McOuat, Coll Thrush, Mark Turin, Jai Virdi and Jessica Wang for comments and criticisms on earlier versions of this research. All errors and shortcomings are, of course, my own.

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