Travelling is an activity closely associated with Carolus Linnaeus (1707–1778) and his circle of students. This article discusses the transformative role of studying nature outdoors (turning novices into naturalists) in eighteenth-century Sweden, using the little-known journeys of Carl Bäck (1760–1776), Sven Anders Hedin (1750–1821) and Johan Lindwall (1743–1796) as examples. On these journeys, through different parts of Sweden in the 1770s, the outdoors was used, simultaneously, as both a classroom and a space for exploration. The article argues that this multifunctional use of the landscape (common within the Linnaean tradition) encouraged a democratization of the consumption of scientific knowledge and also, to some degree, of its production. More generally, the study also addresses issues of how and why science and scientists travel by discussing how botanical knowledge was reproduced and extended ‘on the move’, and what got senior and junior students moving.
1 This is a rapidly expanding area of research. Central texts include Ophir Adi and Shapin Steven, ‘The place of knowledge: a methodological survey’, Science in Context (1991) 4, pp. 3–22; Shapin Steven, ‘Placing the view from nowhere: historical and sociological problems in the location of science’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers (1998) 23, pp. 5–12; Crosbie Smith and Jon Agar (eds.), Making Space for Science: Territorial Themes in the Shaping of Knowledge, London: Macmillan, 1998; and David N. Livingstone, Putting Science in Its Place: Geographies of Scientific Knowledge, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003. For some very recent surveys and orienting discussions see Naylor Simon, ‘Introduction: historical geographies of science: place, contexts, cartographies’, BJHS (2005) 38, pp. 1–12; Powell Richard C., ‘Geographies of science: histories, localities, practices, futures’, Progress in Human Geography (2007) 31, pp. 309–329; and Finnegan Diarmid A., ‘The spatial turn: geographical approaches in the history of science’, Journal of the History of Biology (2008) 41, pp. 369–388.
2 Some of the results presented in this article have previously been published in Swedish in Hanna Hodacs and Kenneth Nyberg, Naturalhistoria på resande fot. Om att forska, undervisa och göra karriär i 1700-talets Sverige, Lund: Nordic Academic Press, 2007, see particularly Chapter 3, ‘Att resa ut som student och komma hem som forskare’ (Hodacs), pp. 37–64; Chapter 4, ‘Att forska och undervisa längs med vägen’ (Hodacs), pp. 67–97; Chapter 5, ‘Att lära sig umgås i och runt naturen’ (Hodacs), pp. 99–136, and Chapter 10, ‘Sammanfattande diskussion’ (Hodacs and Nyberg), pp. 211–255. Below I shall also frequently refer to Chapter 6, ‘Att samla ära, meriter och naturalier’, pp. 137–167, and Chapter 2, ‘Linné, Lärjungarna och resandet i historieskrivningen’, pp. 17–35 (both Nyberg). Since Nyberg's contribution was essential to the development of the main themes in our book, he also has a large stake in many of the ideas presented in this article (although, of course, any mistakes or errors it contains are mine).
3 Kuklick Henrika and Kohler Robert E., ‘Introduction’, Osiris, 2nd Series (1996) 11, pp. 1–14, p. 1.
4 Camerini Jane R., ‘Wallace in the field’, Osiris, 2nd series (1996) 11, pp. 44–65; idem, ‘Remains of the day: early Victorians in the field’, in Bernard Lightman (ed.), Victorian Science in Context, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1997, pp. 354–377.
5 Gunnar Eriksson, Botanikens historia i Sverige intill 1800, Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1969; Wilfrid Blunt, The Compleat Naturalist: A Life of Linnaeus, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001 (first published 1971); James Larson, Reason and Experience: The Representation of Natural Order in the Work of Carl von Linné, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971; Tore Frängsmyr (ed.), Linnaeus: The Man and His Work, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983; Paul Lawrence Farber, Finding Order in Nature: The Naturalist Tradition from Linnaeus to E.O. Wilson, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000.
6 A number of the works mentioned in note 5 above discuss contributions of Linnaeus's students to their professor's work. See also Fries Robert E., ‘De linneanska “apostlarnas” resor. Kommentar till en karta’, Svenska Linnésällskapets årskrift (hereafter SLÅ) (1950–1951), pp. 31–40; Sten Selander, Linnélärjungar i främmande länder. Essayer, Stockholm: Bonniers, 1960; Sten Lindroth, Kungl. Svenska vetenskapsakademiens historia 1739–1818, 2 vols., vol. 1: Tiden intill Wargentins död, Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1967; Sverker Sörlin, ‘Scientific travel – the Linnean tradition’, in Tore Frängsmyr (ed.), Science in Sweden: The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences 1739–1989, Canton, MA: Science History Publications, 1989, pp. 96–123; idem, ‘Apostlarnas gärning. Vetenskap och offervilja i Linné-tidevarvet’, SLÅ (1990–1991), pp. 75–89; Sverker Sörlin and Otto Fagerstedt, Linné och hans apostlar, Stockholm: Natur och Kultur, 2004; Bengt Jonsell, ‘Apostlarnas resor och gärningar. Linnélärjungarnas roll i upptäckten av världen’, in Paul Hallberg (ed.), Ljus över landet? Upplysningen som drivkraft i 1700–talets svenska vetenskap och vitterhet, Göteborg: Kungl. Vetenskaps- och vitterhets-samhället, 2005, pp. 79–98, and Nyberg, op. cit. (2), Chapter 6. For a discussion focusing particularly on the contributions of Linnaeus's students to Linnaeus's Species Plantarum (1753), see Mariette Manktelow and Kenneth Nyberg, ‘Linnaeus’ apostles and the development of the Species Plantarum', in Species Plantarum 250 Years (conference publication), Symbolae Botanicae Upsalienses 33:3 (ed. Inga Hedberg), Uppsala: Uppsala University 2005, pp. 73–80.
7 On the relationship between Linnaeus, Banks and Solander see John Gascoigne, Science in the Service of Empire: Joseph Banks, the British State and the Uses of Science in the Age of Revolution, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998; and Patricia Fara, Sex, Botany and Empire: The Story of Carl Linnaeus and Joseph Banks, New York: Columbia University Press, 2004. On Solander see also Uggla Arvid Hjalmar, ‘Daniel Solander och Linné’, SLÅ (1954–1955), pp. 23–64; Bengt Jonsell, ‘Linnaeus and his two circumnavigating apostles’, Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South Wales (1981) 106(1), pp. 1–20; and Edward Duyker, Nature's Argonaut: Daniel Solander 1733–1782, Naturalist and Voyager with Cook and Banks, Melbourne: Miegunyah Press, 1998.
8 Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, London: Routledge, 1992. See also Sörlin and Fagerstedt, op. cit. (6); Alexandra Cook, ‘Politics of nature and voyages of exploration: some purposes and results’, in Anna Agnarsdottir (ed.), Voyages and Exploration in the North Atlantic from the Middle Ages to the XVIIth Century, Reykjavik: University of Iceland Press, 2000, pp. 125–138; and Staffan Müller-Wille, ‘“Walnut-trees at Hudson Bay, coral reefs in Gotland”: Linnaean botany and its relation to colonialism’, in Londa Schiebinger and Claudia Swan (eds.), Colonial Botany: Science, Commerce, and Politics in the Early Modern World, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005, pp. 34–48.
9 Lisbet Koerner, ‘Purposes of Linnaean travel: a preliminary research report’, in David Philip Miller and Peter Hanns Reil (eds.), Visions of Empire: Voyages, Botany, and Representations of Nature, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 117–152; idem, Linnaeus: Nature and Nation, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999. The economic strands in Linnaeus's work have been discussed by other scholars too, most notably the Swedish economic historian Eli Filip Hecksher (1879–1952). See, for example, Hecksher Eli Filip, ‘Linnés resor – den ekonomiska bakgrunden’, SLÅ (1942), pp. 1–11.
10 Pär Eliasson, Platsens blick: Vetenskapsakademien och den naturalhistoriska resan 1790–1840, Umeå: Department of History of Science and Ideas Publications no. 29, 1999. See also Marie-Noëlle Bourguet, ‘Landscape with numbers: natural history, travel and instrument in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries’, in Marie-Noëlle Bourguet, Christian Licoppe and Heinz Otto Sibum (eds.), Instruments, Travel and Science: Itineraries of Precision from the Seventeenth to the Twentieth Century, London: Routledge, 2002, pp. 96–125.
11 Some brief comments on this issue can be found Livingstone, op. cit. (1), p. 45; Naylor Simon, ‘The field, the museum and the lecture hall: the spaces of natural history in Victorian Cornwall’, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers (2002) 27, pp. 494–513, p. 508; Kuklick and Kohler, op. cit. (3), p. 9. It is worth pointing out that the excursion tradition generally has received relatively little attention. For some exceptions see Karen Reeds, Botany in Medieval and Renaissance Universities, New York: Garland, 1991; Allen David Elliston, ‘Walking the swards: medical education and the rise and spread of the botanical field class’, Archives of Natural History (2000) 27, pp. 335–67; Brian W. Ogilvie, The Science of Describing: Natural History in Renaissance Europe, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006; and Alix Cooper, Inventing the Indigenous: Local Knowledge and Natural History in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
12 There are some exceptions, for example: Secord James A., ‘The Geological Survey of Great Britain as a research school’, BJHS (1986) 24, pp. 223–275; and Ana Simöes, Ana Carneiro and Maria Paula Diogo (eds.), Travels of Learning: A Geography of Science in Europe, Dordrecht, Kluwer Academic Publishers, 2003.
13 For some insightful discussions of the history of early modern scientists and their identities see Porter Roy, ‘Gentlemen and geology: the emergence of a scientific career, 1660–1920’, Historical Journal (1978) 21, pp. 809–836; Shapin Steven, ‘“A scholar and a gentleman”: the problematic identity of the scientific practitioner in early modern England’, BJHS (1991) 29, pp. 279–327.; idem, ‘The man of science in the early modern period’, in Lorraine Daston and Katharine Park (eds.), The Cambridge History of Science, vol. 3: Early Modern Science, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008, pp. 179–191; idem, ‘The image of the man of science’, in The Cambridge History of Science, vol. 4: Eighteenth-Century Science, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 159–183.
14 The best overview of the scientifically active community in eighteenth-century Sweden can be found in Lindroth, op. cit. (6). See also idem, Svensk Lärdomshistoria, 4 vols., vol. 3: Frihetstiden, Stockholm: Norstedt, 1978, and vol. 4: Gustavianska tiden, edited by Gunnar Eriksson, Stockholm: Norstedt, 1981. For case studies and studies of social interaction between scientists in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Sweden see Henrik Sandblad, Världens nordligaste läkare. Medicinalväsendets första insteg i Nordskandinavien 1750–1810, Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1979; Jakob Christensson, Vetenskapen i provinsen. Om baronerna Gyllenstierna på Krapperup och amatörernas tidevarv, Stockholm: Atlantis, 1999; Hjalmar Fors, Mutual Favours: The Social and Scientific Practice of Eighteenth-Century Swedish Chemistry, Uppsala: Institutionen för idé- och lärdomshistoria, Univ., 2003, and Hodacs, op. cit. (2), Chapter 5.
15 Daston Lorraine, ‘The ideal and reality of the Republic of Letters in the Enlightenment’, Science in Context (1991) 4, pp. 367–386; Paula Findlen, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994; Anne Goldgar, Impolite Learning: Conduct and Community in the Republic of Letters 1680–1750, New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995; Laurence Brockliss, Calvet's Web: Enlightenment and the Republic of Letters in Eighteenth-Century France, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.
16 Sten Lindroth, A History of Uppsala University 1477–1977, Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell Internationell; Magnus von Platen, Privatinformation i skolan. En undervisningshistorisk studie, Umeå: Acta universitatis Umensis, 1981; and Johan Sjöberg, Makt och vanmakt i fadersväldet. Studentpolitik i Uppsala 1780–1850, Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2002.
17 On the number of Swedish (including Finnish) students Linnaeus had, compare Sven-Erik Sandermann Olsen, Bibliographia discipuli Linnaei: Bibliographies of the 331 Pupils of Linnaeus, Copenhagen: Bibliotheca Linnaeana Danica, 1997; with Birger Strandell, ‘Linnés lärjungar. Varifrån kom de och vart tog de vägen?’, SLÅ (1979–1981), pp. 105–143.
18 Lindroth, op. cit. (16), p. 145.
19 Linnaeus to Hasselquist, 22 December 1750, in Carl von Linné, Bref och skrifvelser af och till Carl von Linné (ed. Theodor Magnus Fries, Johan Markus Hulth and Arvid Hjalmar Uggla), Stockholm: Akademiska boktryckeriet, Edv. Berling, Series I, 8 vols., 1907–1922, vol. 7, p. 35. The different motives for travelling have also been explored by Nyberg, op. cit. (2), Chapter 6, using Pehr Löfling as an example.
20 On the changing attitudes to long-distance travelling see Lindroth, op. cit. (6), p. 640. The number of Linnaeus's students who travelled in Sweden has never been systematically investigated but see, for example, the journeys of Lars Montin (1723–1785), Johan Otto Hagström (1716–1792) and Peter Jonas Bergius (1730–1790). For a discussion of reluctant travelers see Hodacs, op. cit. (2), Chapter 3. A close reading of Sandermann Olsen, op. cit. (17), reveals that at least sixty out of 273 (Swedish) students of Linnaeus (not including any ‘disciples’) travelled in continental Europe. The true figure is probably higher since this information was not systematically collected by Sanderman Olsen.
21 See, for example, Bruno Latour, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society, Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1987, esp. Chapter 6; Shapin Steven, ‘Here and everywhere: sociology of scientific knowledge’, Annual Review of Sociology (1995) 21, pp. 289–321; Harris Steven J., ‘Long-distance corporation, Big Science, and the geography of knowledge’, Configurations (1998) 6, pp. 269–304; Bourguet, Licoppe and Sibum, op. cit. (10); and Secord James A., ‘Knowledge in transit’, Isis (2004) 95, pp. 654–672.
22 Only Anders Grape has previously discussed Carl Bäck's journeys. Anders Grape, Ihreska handskriftssamlingen i Uppsala Universitet, 2 vols., vol. 1: Samlingens tillkomst och öden, Uppsala: Almqvist & Wiksells, 1949, pp. 716–746.
23 On Abraham Bäck see Bertil Boëthius, ‘Bäck, Abraham’, bd. 7, Svenskt Biografiskt Lexikon, 1927, pp. 71–85; and Grape, op. cit. ( 22), pp. 446–784.
24 Otto Edvard August Hjelt, Svenska och finska medicinalverkets historia 1663–1812, 3 vols., Helsingfors: Central-tryckeri, 1891–1893.
25 The development of Bäck and Linnaeus's friendship and professional relationship can be studied in their extensive correspondence (more than five hundred letters exist, though unfortunately most of Bäck's letter to Linnaeus were destroyed, by Bäck, after Linnaeus's death). The letters are published in Linné, op. cit. (19), vols. 4–5. The quotations above are from Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, 10 September 1751, ibid., vol. 4, pp. 156–157; and Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, 14 September 1753, ibid., vol. 4, p. 227. These letters and much more of Linnaeus's correspondence can also be accessed online at http://linnaeus.c18.net/letters. On the relationship between Linnaeus and Abraham Bäck see also Theodor Magnus Fries, Lefnadsteckning, 2 vols., Stockholm: Fahlcrantz & Co., 1903; and Grape, op. cit. (22).
26 See, for example, Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, 1 May 1750, in Linné, op. cit. (19), vol. 4, p. 122; Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, undated but probably from May or June 1750, ibid., vol. 4, p. 124; Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, 18 June 1751, ibid., vol. 4, p. 151; Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, undated but probably from July 1753, ibid., vol. 4, pp. 220–221; and Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, 14 September 1753, ibid., vol. 4, p. 227.
27 On Linnaeus's involvement in Carl Bäck's early education see, for example, Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, 11 February 1766, in Linné, op. cit. (19), vol. 5, p. 139; Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, undated but probably from 1766, ibid., vol. 5, p. 144; and Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, 6 July 1771, ibid., vol. 5, p. 184. See also Grape, op. cit. (22), p. 717. See also Linnaeus's discussion about suitable private tutors for Carl Bäck in Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, 13 September 1771, Linné, op. cit. (19), vol. 5, p. 200; Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, undated probably from December 1773, ibid., p. 212; Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, 24 October 1774, ibid., vol. 5, p. 220; and Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, undated but probably from April 1775, ibid., vol. 5, p. 231.
28 Lindwall's father was a superintendent at Bergkvara Castle and Hedin's was an inspector at an iron foundry in Skatelöv. On Hedin and Lindwall see also Franzén Olle, ‘Hedin, Sven Anders’, Svenskt Biografiskt Lexikon, vol. 18, Stockholm 1969–1971, pp. 460–463; and Paul Wilstadius, Smolandi upsalienses. Smålandsstudenter i Uppsala. Biografier med genealogiska notiser, 7 vols., vol. 6, 1745–1800, edited by Sten Carlsson, Uppsala: Smålands nation, Uppsala universitet, 1986, pp. 141–145.
29 The diaries from the three journeys are bound together into one volume (Ihre 187) and are kept in Uppsala University Library (UUL). The first section (Ihre 187:1), written by Lindwall, is the most extensive. The other two diaries (Ihre 187:2–3), written by Hedin, are briefer. The volume also contains a diary written partially by Carl Bäck and partially by Lindwall (Ihre 187:4). It covers the month Bäck stayed with Carolus Linnaeus in Uppsala in the summer of 1771.
30 On Linnaean taxonomy see Blunt, op. cit. (5); Larson, op. cit. (5); Farber, op. cit. (5).
31 This number is based on an analysis of plants mentioned in Lindwall's 1774 journal (Ihre 187:1, UUL), and the list of plants collected by the travellers which Lindwall compiled (Ihre 238, UUL).
32 Ihre 187:1, passim; see, for example, 21 May and 6 and 15 June 1774 (UUL). See also comments relating to outdoor taxonomy lessons in Hedin's diary, Ihre 187:2, 18 June 1775, UUL.
33 For a recent history of this development see Sara Tovah Scharf, ‘Identification keys and the natural method: the development of text-based information management tools in botany in the long eighteenth century’, Ph.D. dissertation, no. 9780494279823, University of Toronto, 2007.
34 Carl von Linné, Flora Svecica, Stockholm och Uppsala, 1986 (first published 1755), p. xi.
35 Ihre 187:1, 29 July 1774.
36 Ihre 187:4 (undated but probably from the 5 June 1771), UUL.
37 Koerner Lisbet, ‘Women and utility in Enlightenment science’, Configurations (1995) 3, pp. 233–255.
38 Åke Berg (ed.), with an introduction by Arvid Hjalmar Uggla, Herbationes Upsalienses. Protokoll över Linnés exkursioner i Uppsalatrakten. 1, Herbationerna 1747, Uppsala: Almqvist and Wiksells, 1952; and Carl von Linné, Botaniska Exkursioner i trakten av Uppsala (Herbationens Upsalienses), thesis presented in Uppsala 1753, defended by A.N. Fornander. Valda avhandlingar av Carl von Linné i översättning utgivna av Svenska Linnésällskapet, Nr. 1, Uppsala, 1998 (1753).
39 For the only examples (of popular names) see Ihre 187:1, 25 and 27 June 1774, UUL; and Ihre 187:2, 9 June 1775, UUL. For references to popular medicine see Ihre 187:1, 27 June and 8 August 1774, UUL; and Ihre 187:2, 19 and 20 June 1775, UUL.
40 Johannisson Karin, ‘Naturvetenskap på reträtt. En diskussion om naturvetenskapens status under svenskt 1700–tal’, Lychnos (1979–1980), pp. 109–154.
41 Ihre 187:1, 16 August 1774, UUL. For similar comments see also Ihre 187:1, 26 June, 27 July and 17 August 1774, UUL.
42 Ihre 187:2, 24 July 1775, UUL.
43 Linné, op. cit. (38), p. 6.
44 Fries, op. cit. (25), vol. 2, pp. 8–10; and Carl Hårleman to Linnaeus, 8 August 1748, Linné, op. cit. (19), vol. 7, pp. 138–140. See also introduction to Herbationes Upsalienses, op. cit. (38) and Hanna Hodacs, ‘In the field: exploring Nature with Carolus Linnaeus’, Endeavour, forthcoming.
45 I am not implying that this attitude was associated with ideological ideas threatening the social order in a more traditional political sense; after all, the ruling regime was highly supportive of natural history, particularly during all but the last decade of the Age of Liberty (1718–1772). For further discussions of student politics in Uppsala in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries see Sjöberg, op. cit. (16).
46 See, for example, the occasion on which Lindwall and Bäck had to interrupt a closer examination of the harvest of some fishermen because of an invitation to a dinner party (Ihre 187, 26 July 1774, UUL).
47 Linné, op. cit. (34), p. 68.
48 Linnaeus correspondence, vol. 9, fols. 200–203, Lindwall to Linnaeus, 9 July 1774, Linnaean Society, London; and Ihre 187:1, 2, 7 and 8 June 1774, UUL.
49 Collegii Medici Acter 1774, Johan Lindwall's autobiography and letters to Collegium medicum, Riksarkivet (RA), Stockholm.
50 Nyberg, op. cit. (2), Chapter 6. On the collection and exchange of specimens in early modern and Enlightenment Europe more generally see, for example, Goldgar, op. cit. (15); Anke te Heesen and Emma C. Spary (eds.), Sammeln als Wissen. Das Sammeln und seine wissenschaftliche Bedeutung, Göttingen: Wallstein, 2001; and Florike Egmond, ‘Correspondence and natural history in the sixteenth century: cultures of exchange in the circle of Carolus Clusius’, in Francisco Bethencourt and Florike Egmond (eds.), Cultural Exchange in Early Modern Europe, 4 vols., vol. 3: Correspondence and Cultural Exchange in Europe, 1400–1700, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007, pp. 104–143.
51 Linné, op. cit. (34), p. 156; and Ihre 187:1, 2 June 1774, UUL, see also Ihre 238, UUL.
52 On Lindwall and Hedin's visits to Montin and Osbeck, see Ihre 187:1, 30 July to 6 August 1774, UUL. These were just some of many excursions Lindwall and Bäck were taken on; see, for example, ibid., 28 May, 22 June, 3 and 8 July, 1774, UUL.
53 Johan Jacob Ferber to Abraham Bäck, 14 April 1776, MS 26:84–90, Hagströmerbiblioteket (HB), Karolinska Institutet, Sweden.
54 Peter Hernquist to Abraham Bäck, 17 August 1775, Peter Hernquists brev till Abraham Bäck 1763–1792. Tolkade och kommenterade av Ivar Dyrendahl, Stockholm: Skogs- och lantbruksakademin, 1992; Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, 5 July 1775, Linné, op. cit. (19), vol. 5, p. 233; and Ihre 187:2, 24 and 27 June 1775, UUL. Quote from ibid., 24 June 1775.
55 Ihre 187:2, 26 June 1775, UUL. For other comments relating to Carl Bäck's inability to travel further see ibid., 24 and 27 June 1775.
56 Ihre 187:2, 12 July 1775.
57 Ihre 187:2, 29 June 1775.
58 On the visit to the well with Blom see Ihre 187:2, 28 July 1775, UUL. On visits to other wells see ibid., 10 and 24 June, 6, 10, 16 and 17 July, 3 and 7 August 1775, UUL.
59 Ihre 187:2, 17 July, 1775, UUL.
60 Johannisson, op. cit. (40), p. 114.
61 Gunnar Eriksson, ‘Efterskrift’, in Linné, op. cit. (34), pp. 473–482, quotation from p. 479. Eriksson also points out that Linnaeus had a tendency to conflate two or three of what contemporary botanists regard as separate species. Linnaeus's familiarity with the Swedish flora was hence probably even greater than the number of species listed in Flora Svecica suggests; ibid., p. 479.
62 Hodacs, op. cit. (2), Chapter 5.
63 Ihre 187:1, 8 and 16 August 1774, UUL; and Ihre 187:3, 19 September 1776, UUL.
64 Collegii Medici Acter 1774, Johan Lindwall's autobiography and letters to Collegium medicum (RA); for Lindwall's correspondence with Abraham Bäck (after he settled in Blekinge) see MS 36:20:2–7 and MS 26 145–150 (HB). The only reference to natural history is in Lindwall to Abraham Bäck, 14 December 1775, MS 26:145 (HB). Note, though, that Lindwall published a few papers on economic aspects of natural history in Kungliga Patriotiska Sällskapet's handlingar. Wilstadius, op. cit. (28), p. 142.
65 Franzén, op. cit. (28).
66 Linnaeus to Abraham Bäck, 9 March, 2 April and 1 July 1769 and 9 December 1774, Linné, op. cit. (19), vol. 5, pp. 164–165, 226.
67 Collegii Medici Acter 1774, J. Lindwall's autobiography and letters to Collegium medicum (RA).
68 Lindroth, op. cit. (14); Johannisson, op. cit. (40); and Tore Frängsmyr, Svensk idéhistoria. Bildning och vetenskap under tusen år, 2 vols., vol. 1, 1000–1809, Stockholm: Natur och Kultur, 2000, pp. 342–357.
69 Wilstadius, op. cit. (28), pp. 141–142; and Hedlund Emil, ‘Assessor Göran Rothman: levnadsteckning’, SLÅ (1937), pp. 4–46.
70 Cooper, op. cit. (11).
71 Grape, op. cit. (22), p. 656.
72 Montin to A. Bäck, 27 December 1776, MS 36: 28:1–17 (HB); and Hagström to Bäck, 12 December 1776, in Johan Otto Hagström, ‘Wälborne Herr Archiatern...’ Johan Otto Hagströms brev till Abraham Bäck 1747–1791, Linköping: Östergötlands Medicinhistoriska Sällskap, 1997, p. 202.
73 David Löfberg, Det nationalekonomiska motivet i svensk pedagogik, Uppsala: Diss. Uppsala University, 1949; Yngve Löwegren, Naturaliesamlingar och naturhistorisk undervisning vid läroverken, Årsböcker i svensk undervisningshistoria, Stockholm, 1974, vol. 132, Chapter 2; von Platen, op. cit. (16); idem, ‘Informatorn’, in Utbildningshistoria, Årsböcker i svensk undervisningshistoria, Stockholm, 1994, vol. 176.
74 Olof Jägerskiöld, ‘Gyllenborg, Henning Adolf’, bd. 17, Svenskt Biografiskt Lexikon, 1967–1969, pp. 542–546.
75 On the relations between Apelblad, Ihre and Carl Johan Gyllenborg and his father see Grape, op. cit. (22), pp. 144–145, 236–237, 246.
76 Letters which the young Gyllenborg posted to his father while abroad suggest that the subjects mainly studied on the first part of the journey (through Sweden), when Zetzell was accompanying Apelblad and Gyllenborg, were species identification, geology and chemistry. See Carl Johan Gyllenborg to Henning Adolf Gyllenborg (F 380), 4, 23 and 28 June 1755 (UUL). See also Pehr Zetzell to Henning Adolf Gyllenborg (F 381), 9 September 1755 (UUL), in which the former describes the chemical experiments on water that he had conducted along the way, before parting with the company on 4 September 1755.
77 Jonas Apelblad, Rese-beskrifning öfwer Pomern och Brandenburg, Stockholm: Lor. Ludw. Grefing, 1757; idem, Rese-beskrifning öfwer Saxen, Stockholm: Lars Salvii 1759; Carl Johan Gyllenborg (S 31), ‘En resa öfver Södermanland, Nerike, Vestergötland and Bohus, anstäld år 1755’ (UUL).
78 Alfred Bernard Carlsson, ‘Apelblad, Jonas’, bd. 2, Svenskt Biografiskt Lexikon, 1920, pp. 81–85.
79 Carl Johan Gyllenborg to Henning Adolf Gyllenborg (F 380), 19 September and 23 December 1755, 26 January 1756 (UUL).
80 Clark published an extensive account of his journey: Edward Daniel Clarke, Travels in Various Countries of Europe, Asia and Africa, 6 vols., London: printed by R. Watts for T. Cadell and W. Davies, 1810–23. Clarke and Cripp's journey has been discussed in various contexts; the most comprehensive analysis is perhaps Brian Dolan, Exploring European Frontiers: British Travellers in the Age of the Enlightenment, London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000.
81 Carl von Linné, Linné på Öland. Utdrag ur Carl Linnaeus' dagboksmanuskript från öländska resan 1741, ur den publicerade reseberättelsen, andra tryckta arbeten, avhandlingar, brev m.m. (ed. Bertil Gullander), Stockholm: Norstedts, 1970 (first published 1745), p. 158.
82 Carl von Linné, Iter Dalekarlicum jämte Utlandsresan Iter ad exteros och Bergslagsresan Iter ad fodinas (ed. Arvid Hjalmar Uggla), Stockholm: Svenska Linnésällskapet och Nordiska museét, 1953, p. 3; idem, op. cit. (81), pp. 32, 47, 75; idem, Linné på Gotland. Utdrag ur Carl Linnaeus' dagboksmanuskript från gotländska resan 1741, ur den publicerade reseberättelsen, samt ur andra arbeten (ed. Bertil Gullander), Stockholm: Norstedts, 1971 (first published 1745), p. 13; and idem, Linné i Dalarna. Carl Linnaeus dagbok från resan i Dalarna 1734 med åtskilliga stycken ur hans dalska och lapska floror, ur hans Diaeta naturalis, Flora oeconomica, ur brev m.m. (ed. Bertil Gullander), Stockholm: Forum, 1980, p. 130.
83 Carl von Linné, ‘Om nödvändigheten av forskningsresor inom fäderneslandet’, inaugural lecture, Uppsala 1741 (tr. Annika Ström, original title: ‘Oratio qua peregrinationum intra patriam asseritur necessitas’), published in Hodacs and Nyberg, op. cit. (2), Chapter 8, ‘Om nödvändigheten av forskningsresor …’, pp. 183–198, p. 189.
84 Herbationes Upsalienses, op. cit. (38).
85 Stearn William Thomas, ‘The background of Linnaeus's contributions to the nomenclature and methods of systematic biology’, Systematic Zoology (1959) 8, pp. 4–22.
86 Recent research has, however, illustrated that Linnaeus's understanding of his own system and the critique of Linnaeus has been misrepresented. Winsor Mary P., ‘Cain on Linnaeus: the scientist–historian as unanalysed entity’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences (2001) 2, pp. 239–254; idem, ‘Non-essentialist methods in pre-Darwinian taxonomy’, Biology and Philosophy (2003) 3, pp. 387–400; Müller-Wille Staffan, ‘Collection and collation: theory and practice of Linnaean botany’, Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences (2007) 3, pp. 541–562; and Scharf, op. cit. (33).
87 Of course, this is not to say that Swedish naturalists ceased to journey altogether. See Eliasson, op. cit. (10), for a discussion of the changing approaches to natural history in late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century Sweden, with particular focus on the incorporation of plant geography.
This article is partially based on results from the Learning and Teaching in the Name of Science – A Study of Linnaeus and His Students research project financed by the Swedish Research Council (Vetenskapsrådet). The work of preparing and writing this article has been made possible by financial support from the thoughtful and unorthodox trustees of Helge Ax:son Johnsson's Stiftelse, to whom I am very grateful. I would also like to thank Kenneth Nyberg for his insightful suggestions. Other scholars who have contributed with advice and to whom I am indebted are Jenny Beckman, Hjalmar Fors, Simon Naylor, Åsa Karlsson and Mariette Manktelow. I would also like to express my gratitude for the help I received from the knowledgeable and accommodating staff of Hagströmerbiblioteket (Karolinska institutet, Stockholm) and the staff of Forskarläsesalen in Uppsala University Library.
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