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During high summer 1721, while rioters and bankrupts gathered outside Parliament, Robert Walpole's new ministry forced through a bill to clear up the wreckage left by the stock-market crash, the South Sea Bubble, and the visionary projects swept away when it burst. In early August the President of the Royal Society Isaac Newton, a major investor in South Sea stock, and the Society's projectors, learned of a new commercial scheme promising apparently automatic profits, a project for a perpetual motion. Their informants were a young Viennese courtier Joseph Emmanuel Fischer von Erlach, a contact of Desaguliers recently engaged in industrial espionage in northern England, and the Leiden physics professor Willem 'sGravesande, who had visited London five years earlier. They reported that they had been summoned to a remarkable series of demonstrations in the castle of Weissenstein, the seat of the Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel. In a carefully guarded room of the castle there was set up a hollow wooden wheel covered in oilcloth, about 12 feet in diameter and 18 inches thick on an axle 6 feet in length. Its designer, a Saxon engineer and clockmaker Johann Bessler, who travelled Germany under the name Orffyreus, had been in Kassel for four years, published schemes for perpetual motion and been appointed commercial councillor. The Landgrave, well-known as a patron of advanced engineering schemes, commissioned him to build a new machine and put it on show before expert witnesses (Figure 1).
1 'sGravesande, to Newton, , 7 08 1721, in Correspondence of Isaac Newton (ed. Turnbull, H. W., Scott, J. F., Hall, A. R. and Tilling, Laura), 7 vols., Cambridge, 1959–1977, vii, 143–6 and Fischer, to Desaguliers, , 08 1721, in Dircks, Henry, Perpetuum mobile, ora History of the Search for Self-Motive Power, second series, London, 1870, 110–12. See also Gould, R. T., ‘Orffyreus’ wheel', in Oddities: A Book of Unexplained Facts. London, 1928, 137–77 and Crommelin, C. A., ‘La roue d'Orffyreus’, Janus (1960), 48, 47–52.
2 See note 1 and 'sGravesande, to Crousaz, , 1729, in Dircks, , op. cit. (1), 113–14; Allamand, Jean, ‘Histoire de la vie et des ouvrages de Mr 'sGravesande’, in Willem 'sGravesande, Oeuvres philosophiques et mathématiques (ed. Allamand, Jean), 2 vols., Amsterdam, 1774, i, pp. xxiii–xxvii. The original version of this ‘Histoire’ is [Allamand], ‘'sGravesande’, in Prosper Marchand's posthumous Dictionnaire historique, 2 vols., The Hague, 1758, ii, 214–41, on 223–6 (for the composition of this essay see Berkvens-Stevelinck, Christiane, Prosper Marchand, Leiden, 1987, 70). For the London perpetual-motion project, see Catalogue of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum: Political and Personal Satires, London, 1873, ii, 443 (no. 1625, produced in 1720).
3 Kenrick, William, An Account of the Automaton Constructed by Orffyreus, London, 1770 and A Lecture on the Perpetual Motion, London, 1771 (an attack on Reid: citation from this text, 1); Reid, Thomas to Price, Richard, 1772, in Correspondence of Richard Price (ed. Peach, W. Bernard and Thomas, D. O.), 2 vols., Durham, 1983, i, 153–4. The Académie's ban is in Histoire de l'Académie Royale des Sciences (1775), Paris, 1778, 61–6, discussed in Hahn, Roger, The Anatomy of a Scientific Institution: The Paris Academy of Sciences 1666–1803, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1971, 145. For Montucla's view in 1778 see Ozanam, Jacques, Recreations in Mathematics and Natural Philosophy (ed. Montucla, Jean), 1st English edition (tr. Hutton, Charles), 4 vols., London, 1803, ii, 105–6. For cautionary surveys see von Helmholtz, Hermann, ‘On the interaction of natural forces’ (1854), in Popular Scientific Lectures (ed. Kline, Morris), New York, 1962, 59–62 and Ord-Hume, Arthur, Perpetual Motion: The History of an Obsession, London, 1977.
4 Mayr, Otto, Authority, Liberty and Automatic Machinery in Early Modern Europe, Baltimore, 1986, 67–81, 107–14; Séris, Jean-Pierre, Machine et communication: Du théâtre des machines à la mécanique industrielle, Paris, 1987, 11–34; Vérin, Hélène, La Gloire des ingénieurs: L'intelligence technique du XVIe au XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 1993, 102–11, 181–7.
5 See Wallace, Anthony, The Social Context of Innovation, Princeton, 1982, 40–52 for Vauxhall, steam-engines and perpetual motion. See also, for comparison, Willmoth, Frances, ‘Mathematical sciences and military technology: the Ordnance Office in the reign of Charles II’, in Renaissance and Revolution (ed. Field, J. V. and James, F. A. J. L.), Cambridge, 1993, 117–32, on 122. For eighteenth-century measures of machines' efficiency see Reynolds, Terry S., Stronger than a Hundred Men: A History of the Vertical Water Wheel, Baltimore, 1983, 204–33; Lindqvist, Svante, Technology on Trial: The Introduction of Steam Power into Sweden 1715–1736, Stockholm, 1984, 67–77; and Morton, Alan, ‘Concepts of power: natural philosophy and the uses of machines in mid-eighteenth-century London’, BJHS (1995), 28, 63–78.
6 For British finance and the fiscal-military state see Dickson, P. G., The Financial Revolution in England: A Study of the Development of Public Credit 1688–1756, London, 1967, 41; Pocock, J. G. A., The Machiavellian Moment, Princeton, 1975, 425–7, 460–1; Brewer, John, The Sinews of Power: War, Money and the English State 1688–1783, London, 1989, 137–61. For Newton's role see Westfall, R. S., Never at Rest: A Biography of Isaac Newton, Cambridge, 1980, 551–79, 604–23 (citation from 619) and Stewart, Larry, The Rise of Public Science: Rhetoric, Technology and Natural Philosophy in Newtonian Britain, 1660–1750, Cambridge, 1992, 160–9.
7 For the politics of measurement see Kula, Witold, Measures and Men, Princeton, 1986, 167–84 (for France) and Linebaugh, Peter, The London Hanged: Crime and Civil Society in the Eighteenth Century, Harmondsworth, 1991, 55–8, 162–3 (for Britain). For credit mechanisms see Scharfer, Simon, ‘A social history of plausibility’, in Rethinking Social History (ed. Wilson, Adrian), Manchester, 1993, 128–57, on 137–41; Smith, Pamela, The Business of Alchemy: Science and Culture in the Holy Roman Empire, Princeton, 1994, 131–40; Shapin, Steven, A Social History of Truth, Chicago, 1994, 194–202. For the discipline and enclosure of places, see Foucault, Michel, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, Harmondsworth, 1979, 141–9.
8 Frederick II, Considérations sur l'état présent du corps politique de l'Europe (1736), cited in Mayr, , op. cit. (4), 108. Compare with Foucault, , op. cit. (7), 136, on ‘the meticulous king of small machines’ Frederick the Great for whom ‘the celebrated automata were not only a way of illustrating an organism, they were also political puppets, small-scale models of power’; and Apostolides, Jean-Marie, Le Roi-machine, Paris, 1981, 130–1 on absolutism as the emergence of ‘a king-machine whose sole body is confounded with the machine of State’.
9 Leibniz, to Friedrich, Duke Johann, autumn 1678, in Leibniz, , Sämtliche Schriften und Briefen, Erste Reihe: Allgemeine Politischer und Historischer Briefwechsel, 14 vols., Darmstadt and Berlin, 1923-, ii, 89–90 and Haas, to Leibniz, , 1695, cited in Philippi, Hans, Landgraf Karl von Hessen-Kassel: ein deutscher Fürst der Barockzeit, Marburg, 1976, 613. For baroque commerce and court society see Clark, William, ‘The scientific revolution in the German nations’, in The Scientific Revolution in National Context (ed. Porter, Roy and Teich, Mikuláš), Cambridge, 1992, 90–114, on 97–8, 104–5; Moran, Bruce, The Alchemical World of the German Court, Stuttgart, 1991, 171; and especially Smith, , op. cit. (7), 126–31, 209–17.
10 For the court settings of perpetual-motion schemes see Evans, R. J. W., The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy 1550–1700, Oxford, 1979, 338–9 and Smith, , op. cit. (7), 190–1; for Leupold see Hiersmann, Lothar, Jacob Leupold, Leipzig, 1982, 24ff.; for Becher, Oldenburg and the Royal Society see Smith, ibid., 59–60, 259 n44; for Becher and Huygens see Huygens, to Carcavy, , 26 02 1660, in Huygens, Christiaan, Oeuvres complètes, 22 vols., The Hague, 1888–1950, iii, 28. For Bertrand de la Coste see Hahn, , op. cit. (3), 142.
11 Leibniz, to Friedrich, Duke Johann, autumn 1678 and 08 1679, in Leibniz, , op. cit. (9), ii, 89–90 and 189, discussed in Elster, Jon, Leibniz et la formation de l'esprit capitaliste, Paris, 1975, 89; Gabbey, Alan, ‘The mechanical philosophy and its problems’, in Change and Progress in Modern Science (ed. Pitt, Joseph), Dordrecht, 1985, 9–84, on 42–44, 75; and Séris, , op. cit. (4), 159–210.
12 Leibniz, , ‘The monadology’ (1714); Leibniz, to Caroline, , 11 1715; Clarke, to Caroline, , 11 1715; all cited in Leibniz's Philosophical Papers and Letters (ed. Loemker, Leroy E.), Chicago, 1956, 1055, 1096 and 1098–9 and discussed in Gabbey, , op. cit. (11), 63–6. For the politics of these rival models of power and artifice see Meyer, R. W., Leibniz and the Seventeenth Century Revolution, Cambridge, 1952, 142ff.; Elster, , op. cit. (11), 172–7; Shapin, Steven, ‘Of gods and kings’, Isis (1981), 72, 187–215. For Leibniz at Kassel see Moran, Bruce, ‘Science at the Court of Hesse-Kassel’, Ph.D. thesis, UCLA, Los Angeles, 1978, 176.
13 ‘Nova literaria mathematica de perpetuo mobili…’, Acta eruditorum (01 1715), 46–7; review of Wolff, , Mathematisches Lexikon, in Acta eruditorum (02 1717), 92; and ‘Relatio de perpetuo mobilii Joh. Ernesti Eliae Orfyrei’, Acta eruditorum (11 1718), 497–9. Compare with Dircks, Henry, Perpetuum mobile, first series, London, 1861, 206–8, and second series, op. cit. (1), 95–8.
14 Dircks, , op. cit. (13), 208–9 and Dircks, , op. cit. (1), 98–101; Gould, ; op. cit. (1), 144–5. These episodes should be compared with the strategies of revelation and concealment of Leibniz, Huygens and Hooke; see Iliffe, Rob, ‘In the warehouse: privacy, property and priority in the early Royal Society’, History of Science (1992), 30, 29–68.
15 Moran, , op. cit. (12), 144–77.
16 Brunner, Hugo, Geschichte der Residenzstadt Cassel (1913), Frankfurt-On-Main, 1978, 199–250; Philippi, , op. cit. (9), 609–15; Dreier, Franz Adrian, ‘The Kunstkammer of the Hessian Landgraves in Kassel’, in The Origins of Museums (ed. Impey, O. and MacGregor, A.), Oxford, 1985, 102–9; von Mackensen, Ludolf, Die naturwissenschaftlisch-technische Sammlung in Kassel, Kassel, 1991, 26–8; Daumas, Maurice, Scientific instruments of the 17th and 18th Centuries and their Makers, London, 1972, 143; de Clercq, Peter, ‘Exporting scientific instruments around 1700’, Tractrix (1991), 3, 79–120.
17 Leibniz, to Haas, , 10 08 1696, in Gerland, Ernst, Leibnizens und Huygens Briefwechsel mit Papin, Berlin, 1881, 209. For Papin and Leibniz in the early 1690s see Séris, , op. cit. (4), 250–8 and Elster, , op. cit. (11), 79–88. For the steam-engines at Kassel see Wintzer, E., Denis Papins Erlebnisse in Marburg, Marburg, 1898, 19–23; Payen, J., ‘Huygens et Papin’, in Huygens et la France (ed. Taton, René), Paris, 1982, 197–208, on 202–5; Wallace, , op. cit. (5), 55–8.
18 Papin, to Leibniz, , 15 01 1705, in Gerland, , op. cit. (17), 339–40. For Savery see Rolt, L. T. C. and Allen, J. S., The Steam Engine of Thomas Newcomen, New York, 1977, 24; Hills, R. L., ‘Review of the history of the Savery engine’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society (1987), 58, 27–44, on 31.
19 Papin, to Leibniz, , 7 07 1707, in Gerland, , op. cit. (17), 378. For Papin's departure from Kassel see Philippi, , op. cit. (9), 611–12.
20 Papin, , ‘Proposition concerning a new invented boat’, 11 02 1708 and Papin, to Sloane, , 31 12 1711, in Gerland, , op. cit. (17), 386–7, 394–7. For Papin in London see Heilbron, J. L., Physics at the Royal Society during Newton's Presidency, Los Angeles, 1983, 31; and Stewart, , op. cit. (6), 24–6, 175–6.
21 Papin, Denis, ‘Observations on a French paper concerning a perpetual motion’, Philosophical Transactions (1685), 15, 1240–1; Leibniz, to Papin, , 25 10 1705, in Gerland, , op. cit. (17), 356–7. For Leibniz's earlier experiences with Becher and princely patrons, see Smith, , op. cit. (7), 255–8; Elster, , op. cit. (11), 83–4; and compare with Leibniz, to von dem Bussche, , 5 01 1684, in Leibniz, , op. cit. (9), iv, 12–14, ‘it is almost impossible to complete something difficult under these circumstances and with these obstacles when one is not oneself a workman and cannot be continually present on site’.
22 Orffyreus, , Triumphans perpetuum mobile Orffyreanum, Kassel, 1719, 10–12 and ‘Relatio de perpetuo mobili Joh. Ernesti Orffyrei’, Acta eruditorum (11 1718), 497–9 on 498. This passage from the Acta is silently omitted in Dircks, , op. cit. (1), 96.
23 Desaguliers, J. T., Course of Experimental Philosophy, 2 vols., London, 1734–1744, i, 175–8. For Rowley see King, Henry C. and Millburn, John R., Geared to the Stars, Bristol, 1978, 154–6.
24 Rolt, and Allen, , op. cit. (18), 58–74; Lindqvist, , op. cit. (5), 112–14; Stewart, , op. cit. (6), 236.
25 For the architectural context of Fischer von Erlach and his father Johann see Zacharias, T., Joseph Emmanuel Fischer von Erlach, Vienna, 1960, 15–24, and Rykwert, Joseph, The First Moderns: The Architects of the Eighteenth Century, Cambridge, MA, 1980, 67–75. For the engines see Hollister-Short, G. J., ‘The introduction of the Newcomen engine into Europe’, Transactions of the Newcomen Society (1977), 48, 11–24 and ‘A new technology and its diffusion: steam engine construction in Europe 1720–1780’, Industrial Archaeology (1978), 13, 9–41 and 103–28; and Teich, Mikuláš, ‘The early history of the Newcomen engine at Nova Bana (Königsberg)’, East Central Europe (1982), 9, 24–38. Desaguliers' demonstration is recorded in Royal Society of London Journal Book (22 01 1719), 11, 282.
26 Allamand, , op. cit. (2), p. xxiii; Hollister-Short, , ‘Introduction’, op. cit. (25), 21–2 and ‘A new technology’, op. cit. (25), 27–8; Teich, , op. cit. (25), 26–7. For Fischer in Vienna, see Zacharias, , op. cit. (25) 19–21; Kurzel-Runtscheiner, Erich, ‘Die Fischer von Erlachschen Feuermaschinen’, Beiträge zur Geschichte der Technik und Industrie (1929), 19, 71–91; and von Guldenberg, Daniel to von dem Bussche, Heinrich, 1725, in Hoffmann, D., ‘Die frühesten Berichte über die erste Dampfmaschine auf dem europäische Kontinent’, Technikgeschichte (1974), 41, 118–31, on 128.
27 Lindqvist, , op. cit. (5), 112–13. Hollister-Short cites Montesquieu in ‘A new technology’, op. cit. (25), 20. For Leibniz on workers' resistance, see Elster, , op. cit. (11), 97–102.
28 News of the wheel is in Mercure historique et politique (09 1721), 363 and Present State of Europe (08 1721), 32, 306–8. For drawings of Potter's engines by Leupold and by Fischer see Rolt, and Allen, , op. cit. (18), 70, 74.
29 Allamand, , op. cit. (2), pp. ix–xii; van Helden, Anne C., ‘Theory and practice in air pump construction: the cooperation between Willem Jacob 'sGravesande and Jan van Musschenbroek’, Annals of Science (1994), 51, 477–95, on 481–2. See also Jacob, M. C., The Radical Enlightenment: Pantheists, Freemasons and Republicans, London, 1981, 185–7, 245, and Berkvens-Stevelinck, , op. cit. (2), 111 for the Journal littéraire.
30 'sGravesande, to Newton, , 13/24 06 1718, in Hall, A. R., ‘Further Newton correspondence’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society (1982), 37, 7–34, on 26.
31 For the Leiden cabinet, see Crommelin, C. A., Descriptive Catalogue of the Physical Instruments of the 18th Century, Leiden, 1951, 24–41; de Clercq, Peter, The Leiden Cabinet of Physics, Leiden, 1989, 6–9; van Helden, , op. cit. (29), 485–6.
32 For Desaguliers' demonstration see Royal Society of London Journal Book (28 01 1720) 11, 437; for Triewald see Lindqvist, , op. cit. (5), 210; for Kassel see de Clercq, , op. cit. (16), 83 and van Helden, , op. cit. (29), 488; for Leiden steam-engine models see de Clercq, , op. cit. (31), 50–3; for Adams see Morton, A. Q. and Wess, Jane, Public and Private Science: The King George III Collection, London, 1993, 245.
33 Ruestow, Edward G., Physics at Seventeenth and Eighteenth-century Leiden, The Hague, 1973, 116–19; van Helden, , op. cit. (29), 488; Daumas, , op. cit. (16), 137–9, 143. For ‘demonstration’ see Schaffer, Simon, ‘Machine philosophy: demonstration devices in Georgian mechanics’, Osiris (1994), 9, 157–82, on 157–9.
34 'sGravesande, to Newton, , 7 08 1721, in Newton, , op. cit. (1), vii, 144; Allamand, , op. cit. (2), p. xv; 'sGravesande, , ‘Remarques touchant le mouvement perpetuel’, in Oeuvres, op. cit. (2), i, 305–12. Here 'sGravesande mentions that he had performed these trials, and so changed his view on the law of force, between sending the letter to Newton in August 1721 and his composition of this paper eight months later.
35 The apparatus is in Leiden: see Crommelin, , op. cit. (31), 29 and de Clercq, , op. cit. (31), 28–9. See also Costabel, Pierre, ‘'sGravesande et les forces vives’, in Mélanges Alexandre Koyré (ed. Cohen, I. Bernard and Taton, René), 2 vols., Paris, 1964, i, 117–34 on 124–8; Hankins, T. L., ‘Eighteenth-century attempts to resolve the visviva controversy’, Isis (1965), 56, 281–97, on 287; Iltis, Carolyn, ‘The Leibnizian-Newtonian debates’, BJHS (1973), 6, 343–77, on 358–61.
36 'sGravesande, , ‘Essai d'une nouvelle théorie de choc’, in Oeuvres, op. cit. (2), i, 217–51 (originally published in Journal littéraire (1722), 12, 1–54 and 190–7) and ‘Remarques touchant le mouvement perpetuel’, ibid., i, 305–12.
37 Leibniz, , ‘Reply to the thoughts on the system of pre-established harmony’ (1702), in Leibniz, , op. cit. (12), 935; 'sGravesande, , ‘Remarques touchant le mouvement perpetuel’, in Oeuvres, op. cit. (2), i, 311–12. The source is Newton, Isaac, Opticks (1730), New York, 1952, 399: ‘seeing therefore the variety of motion which we find in the world is always decreasing, there is a necessity of conserving and recruiting it by active principles, such as are… the case of fermentation, by which the heart and blood of animals are kept in perpetual motion and heat’ (1706 version). For the display of active principles in lectures see Schaffer, Simon, ‘Natural philosophy and public spectacle’, History of Science (1983), 21, 1–43. Thanks to Joe Gross for help with these arguments.
38 Bernoulli, to 'sGravesande, , 31 10 1722, in Allamand, , op. cit. (2), pp. xxxvi–xlv. For 'sGravesande's recipes see Costabel, , op. cit. (35), 131–3. For Bernoulli's earlier notions of ‘mixed perpetual motion’ see Gabbey, , op. cit. (11), 58–9 and compare with Heimann, P. M., ‘Geometry and nature: Leibniz and Johann Bernoulli's theory of motion’, Centaurus (1977), 21, 1–26. For his relations with Newton see Hall, A. R., Philosophers at War, Cambridge, 1980, 199, 240–1.
39 For the answer to Poleni see Pemberton, Henry, ‘A letter… concerning an experiment, whereby it has been attempted to shew the falsity of the common opinion in relation to the force of bodies in motion’, Philosophical Transactions (1722), 32, 57–66, on 58. Clarke, 's remarks are in ‘A letter occasioned by the present controversy among mathematicians’, Philosophical Transactions (1728), 35, 381–9, on 382.
40 Desaguliers, J. T., ‘An account of an experiment contrived by G. J. 'sGravesande relating to the force of moving bodies’, Philosophical Transactions (1733), 38, 143–4 and op. cit. (23), i, 398–400. See also op. cit. (23), ii, 63: ‘I am now convinc'd that all the Phaenomena of the Congress of Bodies may be equally solv'd according to the Principles of the Defenders of the new, as well as those of the old Opinion’. Newton was the ‘excellent and learned friend’ who prepared Pemberton's postscript to his ‘Letter’ (ibid., 67–8), see Iltis, , op. cit. (35), 363.
41 For the English response see Iltis, , op. cit. (35), 362–76. Compare Desaguliers, op. cit. (23), ii, 54–5 against 'sGravesande's argument that momentum is lost when bodies fall into soft obstacles.
42 Lindqvist, Svante, ‘Labs in the woods: the quantification of technology during the late Enlightenment’, in The Quantifying Spirit in the Eighteenth Century (ed. Frängsmyr, Tore, Heilbron, J. L. and Rider, Robin), Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1990, 291–314, on 311. For the London political context see Thompson, E. P., Whigs and Hunters, Harmondsworth, 1977, 197–218; Kenyon, J. P., Revolution Principles, Cambridge, 1977, 198–9; and Dabydeen, David, Hogarth, Walpole and Commercial Britain, London, 1987, 15–40. For the printer's scheme see Cowles, Virginia, The Great Swindle, London, 1960, 126. For the ubiquity of credit, see Earle, Peter, The Making of the English Middle Class, London, 1989, 115–23.
43 Chetwood, William, The Stock Jobber, London, 1720, cited in Melville, Lewis, The South Sea Bubble, London, 1921, 80–1. For nervous maladies and Newtonian active principles, see Porter, Roy, ‘The rage of party: a glorious revolution in English psychiatry?’, Medical History (1983), 29, 35–50 and Guerrini, Anita, ‘Ether madness: Newtonianism, religion and insanity in eighteenth-century England’, in Action and Reaction (ed. Theerman, Paul and Seeff, Adele F.), Newark, 1993, 232–54. For Swift on perpetual motion in 1712 see Stewart, , op. cit. (6), 209, and for clockwork see ‘Travels into several remote nations of the world by Lemuel Gulliver’ (1721–1726), in Swift, Selected Writings (ed. Hayward, John), London, 1968, 30, 99.
44 Swift, , ‘The South Sea Project’, cited in Melville, , op. cit. (43), 150; Defoe, , A Review (1706), 22, 502–3 and Considerations on the Present State of Great Britain, London, 1717, 146, cited in Schaffer, Simon, ‘Defoe's natural philosophy and the worlds of credit’, in Nature Transfigured (ed. Christie, John and Shuttleworth, Sally), Manchester, 1989, 13–44, on 30; ‘A South Sea Ballad, to a new tune, called the Philosopher's Stone’, cited in Melville, , op. cit. (43), 147.
45 For Montesquieu on the credit crisis, see Letter 142 in Betts, C. J. (ed.), Persian Letters (1721), Harmondsworth, 1973, 256–8 and Pocock, , op. cit. (6), 468. For Swift see Rogers, Pat, ‘Gulliver and the engineers’, in Eighteenth Century Encounters, Brighton, 1985, 11–25 and Stewart, , op. cit. (6), 332–3.
46 For the 1720 credit boom in Amsterdam and the link with Hesse-Kassel see Carswell, John, The South Sea Bubble, London, 1961, 165 and Melville, , op. cit. (43), 65.
47 'sGravesande, , ‘Dissertation morale sur le commerce des actions de la compagnie du sud’, in Oeuvres, op. cit. (2), ii, 272–93, first quoted on 289 and second on 278, both of which can be dated to July 1720. Allamand describes the origin of this text in Marchand, , op. cit. (2), ii, 239.
48 Defoe, , A Review, op. cit. (44).
49 Hatzfeld, to Newton, , 1724, in Newton, , op. cit. (1), vii, 253–4; London Journal (10 12 1726); Stewart, , op. cit. (6), 241, 349. For Hatzfeld's link with Orffyreus and 'sGravesande see Marchand, , op. cit. (2), ii, 223.
50 de la Harpe, Jacqueline, Jean-Pierre de Crousaz, Geneva, 1955, 166; for Crousaz and the 1720 prize see Iltis, Carolyn, ‘The decline of Cartesianism in mechanics’, Isis (1973), 64, 350–73, on 359–60; for Crousaz and Kassel see Ingrao, Charles, The Hessian Mercenary State, Cambridge, 1987, 13.
51 British Library MSS ADD 4433, fols. 321–64 and Desaguliers, , op. cit. (23), i, 255; Stewart, , op. cit. (6), 125–7; Poni, Carlo, ‘The craftsman and the good engineer: technical practice and theoretical mechanics in Desaguliers’, History and Technology (1993), 10, 215–32, on 224–5. For the visit to the Society in autumn 1721 see McConnell, Anita, ‘L. F. Marsigli's visit to London in 1721’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society (1993), 47, 179–204, on 191–2. Desaguliers complains to Newton, , 29 04 1725, in Newton, , op. cit. (1), 315. For an interesting text on the evaluation of inventions translated by Desaguliers see Pitcairne, Archibald, ‘A solution of the problem concerning inventors’ (1688), in The Works of Dr Archibald Pitcairne (ed. Desaguliers, J. T. and Sewell, G.), London, 1715, 135–63.
52 Desaguliers, , ‘Remarks on some attempts made towards a perpetual motion’, Philosophical Transactions (1721), 31, 237, and Royal Society of London Journal Book (2 11 1721), 12, 158 and (9 11 1721), 12, 161–2.
53 Desaguliers, to Sloane, , 12 12 1729, British Library MSS Sloane 4050, fol. 244. See also Desaguliers, , ‘An examination of M. Perault's new invented Axis in Peritrochio said to be entirely void of friction’, Philosophical Transactions (1730), 36, 22–30, on 227, and Stewart, , op. cit. (6), 128, 241. For Perrault and Poleni, see Rykwert, , op. cit. (25), 23–4, 48 n2. For Perrault on the ‘advantage’ of frictionless machines see Séris, , op. cit. (4), 171–2 and Picon, Antoine, Claude Perrault 1613–1688, Paris, 1988, 96–7.
54 For Martin on ‘smatterers’ see Philosophia Britannica, 2 vols., Reading, 1747, i, 106–8; a comparable remark is in Pilot, Henri, ‘Règles pour connoistre l'effet qu'on doit espérer d'une machine’, Mémoires de l'Académie Royale des Sciences, 1737, 269–72. For Montucla on Desaguliers see Ozanam, , op. cit. (3), ii, 100. For Orffyreus’ reputation see Allamand, , op. cit. (2), p. xxvi and Kenrick, , Account, op. cit. (3). Kenrick denies any argument against perpetual motion in his Lecture, op. cit. (3), 3. For Kenrick, 's London Review defence of philosophical materialism in summer 1775 see Yolton, John, Thinking Matter, Oxford, 1984, 117. For the milieux of such writers see Jacob, , op. cit. (29), 200–1; Darnton, Robert, Mesmerism and the End of the Enlightenment in France, Cambridge, MA, 1968, 26–33; and Hahn, , op. cit. (3), 140–58.
55 'sGravesande, to Crousaz, , 1729, in Dircks, , op. cit. (1), 113–14. For Desaguliers as wizard see British Library MSS ADD 38175, fol. 215; for his troubles as servant see Desaguliers to Mortimer, MSS ADD 4435, fol. 108. For the heterogeneous audiences of eighteenth-century natural philosophy, see Lindqvist, Svante, ‘The spectacle of science’, Configurations (1992), 1, 57–94, on 88–90. For the distribution of trust see Shapin, , op. cit. (7), 86–95.
56 Steele, Richard, The Englishman (29 10 1713), in King, and Millburn, , op. cit. (23), 154.
57 Sennett, Richard, The Fall of Public Man, London, 1986, 56–63; Koselleck, Reinhart, Critique and Crisis, Oxford, 1988, 62–9; Habermas, Jürgen, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, Cambridge, 1992, 31–7, 57–61. For artisan resistance to metrology, see Linebaugh, , op. cit. (7), 162–3; for clericalism and superstition see Revel, Jacques, ‘Forms of expertise: intellectuals and popular culture in France, 1650–1800’, in Understanding Popular Culture (ed. Kaplan, Steven), Paris and New York, 1984, 255–73, on 262.
58 [Louise-Bertrand Castel], Mémoires de Trévoux (05–10 1721), 1761, cited in Allamand, , op. cit. (2), p. xxxv. For Castel against Newton see Schier, D. S., Louis-Bertrand Castel: Anti-Newtonian Scientist, Cedar Rapids, 1941, and for his attack on 'sGravesande, see Verlet, Loup, La Malle de Newton, Paris, 1993 158–60.
59 For the princely show as a technology of power see Apostolides, , op. cit. (8), 148–59; Biagioli, Mario, Galileo Courtier, Chicago, 1993, 120–33; Eamon, William, Science and the Secrets of Nature, Princeton, 1994, 223–4; Pomian, Krzysztof, Collectors and Curiosities, Cambridge, 1990, 261–7; Hooper-Greenhill, Eilean, Museums and the Shaping of Knowledge, London, 1992, 103; Smith, , op. cit. (7), 103–4. For modern science museums see Butler, Stella, Science and Technology Museums, Leicester, 1992, 35–7.
60 For civil society and the exchange, see Sennett, , op. cit. (57), 80–7; Elias, Norbert, The Court Society, Oxford, 1983, 91; Agnew, Jean-Christophe, Worlds Apart: The Market and the Theater in Anglo-American Thought 1550–1750, Cambridge, 1986, 157.
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