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Wars and wonders: the inter-island information networks of Georg Everhard Rumphius

  • GENIE YOO (a1)
Abstract

How did one man living on an island come to acquire information about the rest of the vast archipelago? This article traces the inter-island information networks of Georg Everhard Rumphius (1627–1702), an employee of the Dutch East India Company, who was able to explore the natural world of the wider archipelago without ever leaving the Moluccan island of Ambon. This article demonstrates the complexities of Rumphius's inter-island networks, as he collected information about plants and objects from islands near and far. Using his administrative, commercial and household networks, Rumphius was able to interact with local actors from across the social spectrum, whose own active collection, mediation and circulation of objects and information overlapped with imperial activities in the archipelago. This article examines Rumphius as both a collector and a mediator, who negotiated between multiple economies of exchange and translated information from different islands for his distant European readership. Such practices of localized translation demonstrate how knowledge produced on one island was the product of criss-crossing inter-island networks, as the information concerned underwent its own complicated processes of transmission and transformation within the archipelago before reaching its intended audience in Europe.

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This research was funded by the Scaliger Institute at Leiden University and the History Department at Princeton University. It was presented at the Harvard–Princeton Early Modern Workshop (spring 2017) and at Frühneuzeittag in Wolfenbüttel, Germany (summer 2017). I would especially like to thank Sebestian Kroupa and Dorit Brixius for their probing and insightful comments, without which this article would not have been what it is today. I am grateful to professors Michael Laffan, Tony Grafton, Henk Maier and Gyan Prakash for commenting on a readied draft of this piece and for offering words of encouragement. I am lucky to have such supportive colleagues at Princeton who, while doing their own research abroad, took the time to read this work: Richard Calis, David Dunning, Ray Thornton and Megan Baumhammer. The staff at the Leiden University Library's Special Collections deserve a special mention, especially Ernst-Jan Munnik and Lam Ngo. The anonymous reviewers of this article offered valuable perspectives, pointing out shortcomings that would have otherwise gone unnoticed. A heartfelt thanks to Matthew Joseph who not only read multiple drafts but also encouraged me to write during our brief time together. Last but not least, my gratitude to Robin de Greef and Dwi Wahyuni for offering me a home away from home in Leiden and Yogyakarta.

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References
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1 This summary of Trunajaya's rebellion draws on Merle Ricklefs's history of the early Kartasura period. For a full account see Ricklefs, M.C., War, Culture and Economy in Java 1677–1726: Asian and European Imperialism in the early Kartasura period, Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1993, pp. 3068.

2 This rumor likely stemmed from Amangkurat II's reliance on the company and his relationship with Cornelius Speelman in particular: he signed a treaty with Speelman that gave the VOC temporary power over the sultanates on the north coast. It did not help, of course, that Speelman had a notorious reputation as a profligate drinker and philanderer. As François Valentyn noted, Speelman was ‘a great lover’ of women, and little Speelman lookalikes were running wild in the streets of Batavia. Valentyn, François, Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën, Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1724–1726, vol. 4, p. 311; Ricklefs, op. cit. (1), p. 47, 80. Ricklefs, M.C., Mystic Synthesis in Java: A History of Islamization from the Fourteenth to the early Nineteenth Centuries, Norwalk, CT: EastBridge, 2006, p. 64.

3 Ricklefs, op. cit. (2), pp. 64–65; Ricklefs, M.C., Modern Javanese Historical Tradition: A Study of an Original Kartasura Chronicle and Related Materials, London: School of Oriental and African Studies, 1978, pp. 8687. I use Ricklefs's excellent transcription, translation and philological study of the Javanese chronicle Babad ing Sankala, which is based on the oldest surviving manuscript copy of the work (dated to 1738). Based on this eighteenth-century copy, the Javanese used the word sabilolah to describe the battle of 1680. This refers to the Arabic jihād fī sabīl Allāh (literally ‘war/struggle in the way of Allah’), which in Malay came to be known as perang sabil.

4 Pieter Marville to Joan Maatsuijker, 20 April 1666, National Archive of the Netherlands (subsequently NA), 1.04.02/1257, p. 49. Pieter Marville and the council to Joan Maatsuijker, 14 May 1666, NA, 1.04.02/1257, pp. 57–58.

5 Ricklefs, M.C., A History of Modern Indonesia since c.1200, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2001, pp. 3235.

6 Valentyn, op. cit. (2), vol. 2.2, pp. 10–26.

7 Heeres, J.E., ‘Rumphius’ Levensloop: Naar de mededeelingen van P.A. Leupe’, in Rumphius Gedenkboek 1702–1902, het Koloniaal Museum te Haarlem, 1902, pp. 116, 7–8.

8 Leiden University Library's Special Collections (hereafter UBL), BPL 314, G.E. Rumphius, Het Amboinsch Kruydboek, Book 12, ff. 164r–164v.

9 UBL, 6812/A1, Rumphius, G.E., D'Amboinsche Rariteitkamer, T'Amsterdam: Francois Halma, 1705, pp. 205206.

10 Rumphius, op. cit. (9), pp. 1–2.

11 The titles of Rumphius's major works contain the adjective ‘Ambonese’, including Het Amboinsch Kruidboek, D'Amboinsche Rariteitkamer and Ambonsche Land-Beschrijving. The geographic distribution of plants described in Het Amboinsch Kruidboek was very much in question up to the early twentieth century: see Merril, E.D., An Interpretation of Rumphius's Herbarium Amboinense, Manila: Department of Agriculture and Natural Resources, Bureau of Science, 1917, pp. 2730.

12 Jeremy Adelman, “What is global history now?” Aeon, 2 March 2017, at https://aeon.co/essays/is-global-history-still-possible-or-has-it-had-its-moment.

13 See, for example, Cook, Harold, ‘Global economies and local knowledge in the East Indies: Jacobus Bontius learns the facts of nature’, in Schiebinger, Londa and Swan, Claudia (eds.), Colonial Botany: Science, Commerce, and Politics in the Early Modern World, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005, pp. 100118.

14 See Latour, Bruno, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987; Chambers, David Wade and Gillespie, Richard, ‘Locality in the history of science: colonial science, technoscience, and indigenous knowledge’, in MacLeod, Roy (ed.), Nature and Empire: Science and the Colonial Enterprise, 2nd edn, Osiris (2000) 15, pp. 221240; Schiebinger, Londa, Plants and Empire: Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004; Cook, Harold, Matters of Exchange: Commerce, Medicine, and Science in the Dutch Golden Age, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007; Schaffer, Simon, Roberts, Lissa, Raj, Kapil and Delbourgo, James (eds.), The Brokered World: Go-Betweens and Global Intelligence, 1770–1820, Sagamore Beach, MA: Watson Publishing, 2009; Raj, Kapil, Relocating Modern Science: Circulation and the Construction of Knowledge in South Asia and Europe, 1650–1900, New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007; Safier, Neil, ‘Masked observers and mask collectors: entangled visions from the eighteenth-century Amazon’, Colonial Latin American Review (2017) 26(1), pp. 104130. This is not to disregard scholarship that rightly examines spaces of knowledge making within early modern Europe – from institutions and libraries to printing houses, ateliers and marketplaces – and considers contributions from individuals from across the social spectrum. See, for example, Smith, Pamela, The Body of the Artisan: Art and Experience in the Scientific Revolution, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2004; Long, Pamela O., Artisan/Practitioners and the Rise of the New Sciences, 1400–1600, Corvallis: Oregon State University Press, 2011; Grafton, Anthony, ‘Philological and artisanal knowledge making in Renaissance natural history: a study in cultures of knowledge’, History of Humanities (2018) 3(1), pp. 3955.

15 Benedict Anderson uses these words to describe the experience of a Filipino character who returned to Manila from Europe and began to see his surroundings in a dual sense of familiarity and defamiliarity. Anderson, Benedict, The Spectre of Comparisons: Nationalism, Southeast Asia, and the World, New York: Verso, 1998, p. 2.

16 Sivasundaram, Sujit, ‘Sciences and the global: on methods, questions, and theory’, Isis (2010) 101, pp. 146158, 147–148.

17 Pratt, Mary Louise, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation, New York: Routledge, 1992, pp. 4, 7.

18 Rumphius's wife, who died in the 1674 earthquake, was most likely a member of the Mardjiker community in Ambon. Mardijkers were people of mixed Portuguese and indigenous descent, some of whom became baptized members of the Dutch Reformed Church. See Taylor, Jean Gelman, The Social World of Batavia: European and Eurasian in Dutch Asia, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983, pp. 4749. Beekman, E.M., ‘Introduction’, in Georgius Everhardus Rumphius, The Ambonese Herbal (tr. and annotated by Beekman, E.M.), New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011, vol. 1, pp. 6365.

19 For a brief overview of Germans working for the VOC military see Tzoref-Ashkenazi, Chen, ‘German military participation in early modern colonialism’, Journal of Military History (2016) 80(3), pp. 675683.

20 Trivellato, Francesca, The Familiarity of Strangers: The Sephardic Diaspora, Livorno, and Cross-cultural Trade in the Early Modern Period, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009, pp. 18, 192.

21 Rothman, E.N., Brokering Empire: Trans-imperial Subjects between Venice and Istanbul, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2012, pp. 37.

22 UBL, BPL 314, G.E. Rumphius, Het Amboinsch Kruydboek, Book 2, f. 1r.

23 Rumphius, op. cit. (22), ff. 3v–4r. It is unclear whether Rumphius actually read Pliny and Aegineta or if he was citing from other authors. For example, Clusius devoted his Chapter 17 to Plinius’ identification of the clove plant. Carolus Clusius, Exoticorum Libri Decem, Ex Officina Plantiniana Raphelengii, 1605, pp. 15–18.

24 Rumphius, op. cit. (22), f. 4r.

25 Rumphius compiled what he referred to as a ‘Maleijts Lecsicon’. In a letter to Governor General Johannes Camphuys, he asked whether their mutual friend had bought a Malay dictionary in the black markets of Batavia, one that he had been working on for twenty-five years before it was stolen. For verification, Rumphius wrote that the original ‘would be in my own handwriting from the beginning until the word “Pandas” under the letter P, after which it would be in a different hand’. G.E. Rumphius to Johannes Camphuys, 29 June 1695, UBL, BPL 246, Letter 3, f. 3v. For more on practices of plant identification before Linnaeus and their links with commercial activities see Margócsy, Dániel, ‘“Refer to folio and number”: encyclopedias, the exchange of curiosities, and practices of identification before Linneaus’, Journal of the History of Ideas (2010) 71(1), pp. 6389.

26 Rumphius, op. cit. (22), ff. 3r–4v.

27 Maier, Henk, We Are Playing Relatives: A Survey of Malay Writing, Leiden: KITLV Press, 2004, 916. Also see Mahdi, Waruno, Malay Words and Malay Things: Lexical Souvenirs from an Exotic Archipelago in German Publications before 1700, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2007, pp. 100117. My gratitude to Tom Hoogervoorst for the latter reference.

28 Sebestian Kroupa's talk at the Cabinet of Natural History, University of Cambridge, ‘Georg Joseph Kamel (1661–1706): a Jesuit pharmacist in Manila at the borderlines of erudition and empiricism’, 9 May 2016.

29 For more on ‘ethnographical attitudes’ in early modern travel literature see Rubiés, Joan-Pau, Travel and Ethnography in the Renaissance: South India through European Eyes, 1250–1625, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000.

30 Rumphius, op. cit. (22), f. 11r.

31 My gratitude to Richard Calis for this insight.

32 See Ellen, Roy, On the Edge of the Banda Zone: Past and Present in the Social Organization of a Moluccan Trading Network, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2003, pp. 1013.

33 For a seminal work that emphasizes on the role of indigenous traders and trading zones see J.C. van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society, The Hague: W. van Hoeve, 1955. For a treatment of the ‘Maluku world’ from both indigenous and imperial perspectives see Andaya, Leonard, The World of Maluku: Eastern Indonesia in the Early Modern Period, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1993. For the impact of European powers on trading ‘zones’ in eastern Indonesia see Warren, James Francis, The Sulu Zone, 1768–1898: The Dynamics of External Trade, Slavery, and Ethnicity in the Transformation of a Southeast Asian Maritime State, Singapore: NUS Press, 2007.

34 For a summary of Arnold de Vlaming van Outshoorn's monopolization campaigns in this region see Ricklefs, op. cit. (5), pp. 65–66.

35 Rumphius, op. cit. (22), f. 11r.

36 Ricklefs, op. cit. (5), pp. 65–66.

37 Laffan, Michael, The Makings of Indonesian Islam: Orientalism and the Narration of a Sufi Past, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2011, pp. 7677.

38 Shapin, Steven, A Social History of Truth: Civility and Science in Seventeenth-Century England, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994.

39 UBL, BPL 314, G.E. Rumphius, Het Amboinsch Kruydboek, Book 3, ff. 308r–315v.

40 Rumphius, op. cit. (39), f. 308r.

41 Rumphius, op. cit. (39), ff. 313v–314r. Patih Cuhu's religious identity as a ‘Moor’ is noted in the left margin.

42 Knaap, Gerrit, Kruidnagelen en Christenen: De Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie en de bevolking van Ambon, 1656–1696, Leiden: KITLV, 2004, pp. 128133.

43 Rumphius, op. cit. (39), ff. 314v–315r.

44 Rumphius, op. cit. (39), ff. 314v.

45 Rumphius, op. cit. (39), ff. 314v.

46 UBL, BPL 314, G.E. Rumphius, Het Amboinsch Kruydboek, Book 10, f. 31v.

47 Rumphius, op. cit. (46), f. 30v. In his Ambonsche Land-Beschrijving, Rumphius described swangi as sorcerers (in Dutch tovenaars) who learned their ‘devilish acts’ and ‘godless ceremonies’ from ‘masters’, similar to European sorcerers (Europisse tovenaars). Library at the National Archive of the Republic of Indonesia, G.E. Rumphius, Ambonsche Land-Beschrijving, p. 26.

48 Rumphius, op. cit. (46), ff. 30v–31r.

49 Rumphius, op. cit. (46), f. 32r.

50 UBL, BPL 311, G.E. Rumphius, Het Amboinsch Kruydboek, Book 10, ff. 24v–25r; Kew Botanical Gardens Library Collection, Rumphius, G.E., Herbarium Amboinense, trans. Burmanni, Joannis, Amsterdam: By Meinard Uytwerf, 1750, vol. 6, Book 10, p. 34; Georgius Everhardus Rumphius, The Ambonese Herbal, trans. E.M. Beekman, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2011, vol. 5, Book 10, p. 63.

51 UBL, 6812/A1, Rumphius, G.E., D'Amboinsche Rariteitkamer, T'Amsterdam: Francois Halma, 1705, p. 244.

52 Rumphius used the words armringen, ringen and sometimes armbanden interchangeably. The emphasis was on their shape and the manner of their wearing. These particular magic ‘bracelets’, for example, were also worn ‘on the waist’, presumably threaded on a string or belt. Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 244.

53 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 244. The quote is taken from Beekman's translation of a passage from Book 2 of François Valentyn's Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indiën. Beekman, op. cit. (18), pp. 62–63.

54 Rumphius wrote ‘aan de hand’ and likely meant that the man wore it on the wrist.

55 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 244.

56 For the history of curiosities and collecting in early modern Europe see Findlen, Paula, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture in Early Modern Italy, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994; Daston, Lorraine and Park, Katherine, Wonders and the Order of Nature 1150–1750, New York: Zone Books, 1998; Findlen, Paula, ‘Inventing nature: commerce, art, and science in the early modern cabinet of curiosities’, in Smith, P.H. and Findlen, Paula (eds.), Merchants in Marvels: Commerce, Science, and Art in Early Modern Europe, New York: Routledge, 2002, pp. 297323; Goldgar, Anne, Tulipmania: Money, Honor, and Knowledge in the Dutch Golden Age, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2007.

57 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 241. Rumphius noted that he had seen three types of these bracelets, each of which he described in detail by color and shape.

58 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 242.

59 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 242.

60 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 242.

61 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 243.

62 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 243.

63 For the limits of written language in conveying the value of curiosities see Margócsy, Dániel, ‘The fuzzy metrics of money: the finances of travel and the reception of curiosities in early modern Europe’, Annals of Science (2013) 70(3), pp. 381404.

64 Bleichmar, Daniela and Martin, Meredith (eds.), Objects in Motion in the Early Modern World, Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2016.

65 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 212.

66 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 216.

67 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 213.

68 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 213.

69 For example, according to the VOC census from 1680, Rumphius's household consisted of one female Mardijker, fourteen male slaves, thirteen female slaves and two slave children from Makassar, Buton and other islands. ‘Beschrijvingen der Zielen en Nagelboomen van den Jaare 1680’, NA, 1.04.02/1356, pp. 2–3. VOC administrators often used slaves to collect curiosities. Johannes Camphuys revealed in his letter to Rumphius that while visiting the convict island of Edam near Batavia, he had his slaves bring shells from the coast for his collection. Johannes Camphuys to G.E. Rumphius, 2 March 1695, UBL, BPL 246, Letter 5, f. 2r. My gratitude to Matthias van Rossum for providing clarity on early modern Dutch terminology for slaves, convicts and exiles.

70 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 214.

71 For a history of Arung Palakka and his role in the Makassar War (1666–1669) between the Sultanate of Goa and the allied forces of the VOC and the Bugis, see Andaya, Leonard Y., The Heritage of Arung Palakka: A History of South Sulawesi (Celebes) in the Seventeenth Century, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1981. The topic of Rumphius's Chinese intermediaries deserves careful attention, from their specific origins and dialects to the complex history of inter-ethnic dynamics in Ambon and within the wider archipelago. Rumphius's portrayal of ethnic Chinese inhabitants varied throughout his writings. While he drew specific comparisons between Chinese and indigenous medicine in the Kruydboek, in his letter to Isaac de Saint Martin he referred to them as Inlander (a native or indigenous person), as he referred to the Malays. G.E. Rumphius to Isaac de Saint Martin, 15 September 1692, UBL, BPL 246, f. 1v.

72 Interestingly, according to the Malay work Sjair Perang Mengkasar (A Poem of the Makassar War), the sultan of Tallo was said to have been gifted fine cloth, a kris and a ring (cincin) by his brother before the conquest of south Sulawesi in the Makassar War. School of Oriental and African Studies Digital Archive, MS 40324, Syair Perang Mengkasar, at http://digital.soas.ac.uk/AA00000136/00001, p. 34.

73 Rumphius, op. cit. (51), p. 214. Here, Rumphius wrote in parentheses, ‘so people inform me’ (‘zoo men my berigt’).

74 Safier, op. cit. (14).

75 UBL, BPL 314, G.E. Rumphius, Het Amboinsch Kruydboek, Book 12, f. 168r.

76 G.E. Rumphius to Isaac de Saint Martin, op. cit. (71), ff. 2r–2v.

77 de Haan, F., ‘Uit Oude Notarispapieren I’, Tijdschrijft voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (1900) 62, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, pp. 297302.

78 G.E. Rumphius to Isaac de Saint Martin, op. cit. (71), f. 2r.

79 UBL, 6812/A1, Rumphius, G.E., D'Amboinsche Rariteitkamer, T'Amsterdam: Francois Halma, 1705, p. 205.

80 Rumphius, op. cit. (79), pp. 205–206.

81 Here, Rumphius used the word armbanden (rather than armringen) to refer to the bracelets.

82 Rumphius, op. cit. (79), p. 206.

83 Rumphius, op. cit. (79), p. 206. Kenneth Hall identifies the ‘Kling’ as a people from Kalinga on the southeastern coast of India. Hall, Kenneth, A History of Early Southeast Asia: Maritime Trade and Societal Development 100–1500, New York: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2011, p. 153.

84 Raychaudhuri, Tapan, Jan Company in Coromandel 1605–1690: A Study in the Interrelations of European Commerce and Traditional Economies, The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1962, pp. 174175.

85 Ricklefs, op. cit. (3), p. 87; Ricklefs, op. cit. (1), p. 55. Trunajaya was captured and executed prior to the battle of Giri.

86 Rumphius, op. cit. (79), p. 206.

87 Rumphius, op. cit. (79), p. 206.

88 Dagh-register gehouden int Casteel Batavia van't passerende daer ter plaetse als over geheel Nederlandts-India. Anno 1680, de Haan, F., The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1912, pp. 322325.

89 Dagh-register, op. cit. (88), pp. 326-332.

90 Dagh-register, op. cit. (88), pp. 323, 330.

91 Dagh-register, op. cit. (88), pp. 324, 331.

92 Dagh-register, Amboina aan't Cast[ee]l Victoria, NA, 1.04.02/1356, pp. 259–261.

93 Commander J. Couper to the High Government in Batavia, dated Soerabaya 14 May 1680’, in De Opkomst van het Nederlandsch Gezag over Java: Verzameling van Onuitgegeven Stukken uit het Oud-Kolonial Archief (ed. and tr. de Jonge, J.K.J.), The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1873, vol. 4, pp. 296307.

94 Couper, op. cit. (93), pp. 299–300.

95 Couper, op. cit. (93), pp. 303.

96 Dagh-register, op. cit. (88), p. 331.

97 See Ricklefs, M.C., The Seen and Unseen Worlds in Java: History, Literature and Islam in the Court of Pakubuwana II 1726–1749, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1998.

98 See Cohn, Bernard, Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1996. Cohn argued that towards the end of the eighteenth century, there was a systematic attempt to collect information about Indian society and that these texts created a discursive field, which allowed colonial officials to use that knowledge for modern colonial control. For a different perspective see Bayly, C.A., An Empire of Information: Political Intelligence and Social Communication in North India, c.1780–1880, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1997.

99 Natural History Museum (London), James Petiver, Aquatilium Animalium Amboinae, &c. Icones & Nomina. Containing near 400 Figures, engraven on Copper Plates of Aquatick Crustaceous and Testaceous Animals; as Lobsters, Crawfish, Prawns, Shrimps, Sea-Urchins, Eggs, Buttons, Stars, Couries, Concks, Perywinkles, Whelks, Oysters, Museles, Cockles, Frills, Purrs, Scallops, with divers other Sorts of Sea and River Shell-fish; all found about Amboina, and the Neighbouring INDIAN Shores, with their Latin, English, Dutch, and Native Names. See J.J. van het Reve, ‘Seba's lijst van zijn collectie, kopie gemaakt in Sint-Petersburg in 1716’, in Reve, Van het, Kunstkamera van Peter de Grote: De Hollandse inbreng, gereconstrueerd uit brievan van Albert Seba en Johan Daniel Schumacher uit de Jaren 1711–1752, Hilversum: Verloren, 2006, pp. 290304.

100 Darnton, Robert, Poetry and the Police: Communication Networks in Eighteenth-Century Paris, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010.

101 Ginzburg, Carlo, ‘Clues: roots of an evidential paradigm’, in Ginzburg, Clues, Myths, and the Historical Method, Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1989, pp. 87113, 92, 112.

This research was funded by the Scaliger Institute at Leiden University and the History Department at Princeton University. It was presented at the Harvard–Princeton Early Modern Workshop (spring 2017) and at Frühneuzeittag in Wolfenbüttel, Germany (summer 2017). I would especially like to thank Sebestian Kroupa and Dorit Brixius for their probing and insightful comments, without which this article would not have been what it is today. I am grateful to professors Michael Laffan, Tony Grafton, Henk Maier and Gyan Prakash for commenting on a readied draft of this piece and for offering words of encouragement. I am lucky to have such supportive colleagues at Princeton who, while doing their own research abroad, took the time to read this work: Richard Calis, David Dunning, Ray Thornton and Megan Baumhammer. The staff at the Leiden University Library's Special Collections deserve a special mention, especially Ernst-Jan Munnik and Lam Ngo. The anonymous reviewers of this article offered valuable perspectives, pointing out shortcomings that would have otherwise gone unnoticed. A heartfelt thanks to Matthew Joseph who not only read multiple drafts but also encouraged me to write during our brief time together. Last but not least, my gratitude to Robin de Greef and Dwi Wahyuni for offering me a home away from home in Leiden and Yogyakarta.

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