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Madrasas in Mecca during the medieval period: a descriptive study based on literary sources

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 February 2009

Richard T. Mortel
Affiliation:
King Saud University, Riyadh

Extract

The madrasa as an institution dedicated to the teaching of one or more of the four madhhabs, or schools, of Sunni Islamic jurisprudence, often in conjunction with the ancillary Islamic sciences, including Arabic grammar, the study of quranic exegesis (tafsīr) and Prophetic Traditions (ḥadīth) alongside more secular disciplines such as history, literature, rhetoric, mathematics and astronomy, began to proliferate in the eastern Islamic lands from the fifth century/eleventh century, although its origins are traceable as far back as the early fourth/tenth century in eastern Iran. As the religion of Islam and its accompanying civilization spread into new territories, e.g., Anatolia, sub-Saharan Africa and the Indian subcontinent, the institution of the madrasa not only accompanied this diffusion but also lent it active support.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London 1997

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References

1 The origins, characteristics and diffusion of the madrasa have been the subject of much debate among Islamicists in the twentieth century; cf. Pedersen, J. (G. Makdisi), ‘Madrasa’, in the Encyclopedia of Islam, 2nd. ed. (hereafter EI 2)Google Scholar; Pedersen, J., ‘Some aspects of the history of the madrasa’, Islamic Culture, 3, 1929, 525537Google Scholar; Makdisi, George, ‘Muslim institutions of learning in eleventh-century Baghdad’, BSOAS, 24/1, 1961, 156CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Tibawi, A. L., ‘Origins and character of al-madrasah’, BSOAS, 25/2, 1962, 225238CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Cairene madrasas and their curricula have been considered in Petry, Carl F., The civilian elite of Cairo in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton, 1981), 138139Google Scholar. Questions of the architectural origins and the typology of the madrasa are discussed in R. Hillenbrand, ‘Madrasa—architecture’, EI 2.

2 A point emphasized in the last century by one of the few non-Muslims to have had direct experience of Mecca; Hurgronje, C. Snouck, Mekka in the latter part of the nineteenth century, (tr.) Monahan, J. H. (Leiden, 1970), 172Google Scholar.

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4 cf. ՙAnqāwī, ՙAbd Allāh ՙAqīl, 'al-Mu'arrikh Taqī al-Dīn al-Fāsī wa kitībuhu “Shifā' al-gharām bi-akhbār al-Balad al-Ḥarām”’, Dirāsāt ta'rīkh al-Jazīra al-ՙArabiyya, 1, part 2, Maṣddir ta'rīkh al-Jazīra al-ՙArabiyya, (ed.) Abdalla, Abdelgadir M., al-Sakkar, Sami and Mortel, Richard T. (Riyadh, 1979), 6167Google Scholar.

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11 al-Fāsī, ՙIqd, VI, 34, 35; also relevant is Hurgronje, Mekka, 172, who claims that the term madrasa had come to denote ‘a fine house near the mosque and the population at large had lost all idea of its original meaning.’

12 al-Dīn, ՙImād Ismāՙīl b. Kathīr, al-Biāaya wa'l-nihāya fī al-ta'rīkh (Cairo, 1335–38 A.H.), XII, 309310Google Scholar; al-Fāsī, ՙIqd, IV, 34–5.

13 Makhrama, , Ta'rīkh, II, 132Google Scholar.

14 al-Fāsī, ՙIqd, VI, 34, where al-Zanjīlī is described as the ‘amir of the two Ḥarams’—i.e., Mecca and Madina, in the original waqf document.

15 al-Fāsī, ՙIqd, VI, 35; Bā Makhrama, Ta'rīkh, II, 132; al-Nuՙaymī, Dāris, I, 526, where the year of his death is fixed as 626/1229, and it is also mentioned that he endowed another college in Damascus.

16 al-Fāsī, ՙIqd, I, 117; VIII, 261–2.

17 al-Walīd, Abū Muḥammad b. ՙAbd Allāh al-Azraqī, Akhbār Makka wa mā jā'a fīhā min al-āthār, 3rd. ed. (Mecca, 1978), II, 266Google Scholar; al-Fāsī, Shifā', I, 364; El-Hawary and Wiet, Matériaux, 76.

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23 This estimate is based on internal evidence in the work itself; cf. Shifā', II, 335, for the latest date mentioned therein.

24 cf. V. Minorsky, ‘Nihāwand’, EI. 1

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37 al-Fāsī, , ՙIqd, I, 117.Google Scholar

38 For the site, cf. al-Fāsī, , Shifā', I, 384Google Scholar. al-ՙAjala, Dār is described in al-Azraqī, Akhbār Makka, II, 252Google Scholar; and the period of ՙAbd Allāh b. al-Zubayr's control of Mecca has been discussed in Kennedy, Hugh, The Prophet and the age of the caliphates: the Islamic Near East from the sixth to the eleventh century (London, 1986), 8998Google Scholar.

39 El-Hawary, and Wiet, , Matériaux, 61Google Scholar.

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46 al-Khazrajī, ՙUqūd, II, 68, mentions that this madrasa was founded in the following year, 740/1339–40; however, al-Fāsī asserts that the later date was ‘most certainly erroneous’; cf. ՙIqd, VI, 158.

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48 al-Fāsī, , Shifā', I, 382Google Scholar; Rifՙat, , Mir'at, I, 232Google Scholar.

49 al-Fāsī, , ՙIqd, VI, 158Google Scholar; Fahd, Ibn, Itḥāf III, 217218Google Scholar.

50 al-Khazrajī, , ՙUqūd, II, 68Google Scholar.

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64 al-Fāsī, , ՙIqd, IV, 96.Google Scholar

65 Fahd, Ibn, Itḥāf, III, 423.Google Scholar

66 The contemporary sources invariably have ‘Banjaliyya’, but I have substituted ‘g’ for ‘j’ to reflect what certainly must have been the original pronunciation.

67 cf. Ali, Muhammad Mohar, History of the Muslims of Bengal, vol. Ia, Muslim rule in Bengal (600–1170/1203–1757) (Riyadh, 1985), 140146Google Scholar; the madrasa is mentioned pp. 143–4.

68 al-Fāsī, , Shifā', I, 524Google Scholar; Fahd, Ibn, Itḥāf III, 481Google Scholar. The mithqāl refers to a theoretical gold standard coin weighing 4.25 grams, or to a real gold dinar whose weight was intended to be 4.25 grams; cf. Bacharach, Jere L., ‘The dinar versus the ducat’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 4, 1973, 80, 8385.Google Scholar

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82 cf. J. Burton-Page, ‘Gulbarga’, in EI 2.

83 For further information on Ahmad Shāh and the Bahmanids in general, cf. H. K. Sherwani, ‘Bahmanis’, in EI 2; Sastri, Nilaknata, A history of South India from prehistoric times to the fall of Vijayanagar, 4th. ed. (Madras, 1976), 248251Google Scholar, 490–1; Sherwani, H. K. and Joshi, P. M. (ed.), History of medieval Deccan (1295–1724), I (Hyderabad, 1973), 164170.Google Scholar

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85 Trade between India and the Hijaz during the ninth/fifteenth century has been discussed at length in Mortel, , Aḥwāl, 182190Google Scholar; idem, Prices in Mecca during the Mamlūk Period’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 32, 1989, 295298Google Scholar; idem, The mercantile community of Mecca during the late Mamlūk period’, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, 3rd. series, 4, part 1 (April 1994), 1517, 27–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, ‘Aspects of Mamlūk relations with Jedda during the fifteenth century: the case of Timrāz al-Mu'ayyadī’, Journal of Islamic Studies, 6/1, 1995, 1–13; idem, ‘Taxation in the amirate of Mecca during the medieval period’, BSOAS, 58/1, 1995, 12–16.

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91 ibid., IV, 24.

92 ibid., IV, 45.

93 ibid., IV, 25.

94 cf. his biography in al-Dīn, Taqī Aḥmad b. ՙAlī al-Maqrīzī, al-Sulūk li-ma ՙrifat duwala l-mulūk (Cairo, 19561973), IV, 1062Google Scholar; Birdī, Ibn Taghrī, Nujūm, XV, 214216Google Scholar; al-Jawharī, al-Khaṭīb, ՙAlī b. Dā'ūd al-ṣayrafī, Nuzhat al-nufūs wa'l-abdān fī tawārīkh al-zamān (Cairo, 19701973), III, 428Google Scholar; al-Sakhāwī, , Ḍaw', IX, 291294Google Scholar; al-ՙImād, Ibn, Shadharāt, VII, 241242.Google Scholar

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101 cf. his biography in al-Sakhāwī, Ḍaw', IX, 214–16; he also taught in the Bangaliyya, ibid., IX, 214.

102 ibid., IX, 215.

103 Fahd, Ibn, Itḥāf, IV, 6364.Google Scholar

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113 Cambay is located in the present-day Indian state of Gujarat; for the role it played in the history of Islam in India, cf. S. Maqbul Ahmad, ‘Khambāyat’, EI 2.

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115 Fahd, Ibn, Itḥāf, IV, 423.Google Scholar

116 ibid., IV, 443.

117 cf. his biographical notice in Ibn Fahd, Durr, f. 155b; al-Sakhāwī, , Ḍaw', VI, 80Google Scholar. The title khawājā was granted to the great merchants of Mecca, presumably by their peers, as a token of high esteem; cf. Mortel, ‘Mercantile community’, 17–21ff.

118 The comments made by Hurgronje on the meaning of the word madrasa in the Mecca of the late nineteenth century are appropriate; cf. Mekka, 172.

119 Relevant aspects of this relationship are conveniently summarized in Mortel, ‘Prices’, 279–88.

120 cf. his biography in al-Sakhāwī, , Ḍaw', VIII, 260262.Google Scholar

121 al-Dīn, Qutb al-Makkī al-Ḥanafī al-Nahrawālī, al-Iՙlām fī aՙlām Bayt Allāh al-Ḥarām, in the margins of Aḥmad b. Zaynī Daḥlān, Khulāṣat al-kalām fī bayān umarā' al-Bayt al-Ḥarām (Cairo, A.H. 1304), 151152.Google Scholar

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123 cf. al-Fāsī, , Shifā', I, 527Google Scholar; idem, ՙIqd, I, 118.

124 Fahd, Ibn, Itḥāf, IV, 624.Google Scholar

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127 Fahd, Ibn, Itḥāf, IV, 638639.Google Scholar

128 The madrasa incorporated a minaret (al-Nahrawālī, Iՙlām, 152; El-Hawary and Wiet, Matériaux, 62) which can clearly be seen in some old photographs of the Meccan Ḥaram and its environs, such as those contained in Rifՙat Mir'āt.

129 Fahd, Ibn, Itḥāf, IV, 647648.Google Scholar

130 al-Nahrawālī, , Iՙlām, 152.Google Scholar

131 ibid.

132 ibid.

133 ibid.; cf. also Hurgronje, Mekka, 172.

134 cf. Mortel, , ‘Zaydī Shīՙism’, 467468.Google Scholar

135 Further information on the various aspects of Mamluk-Meccan relations can be found in Mortel, Richard T., ‘The Kiswa: its origins and development from pre-Islamic times until the end of the Mamluk period,’ Ages, 3/2, 1988, 3946Google Scholar; idem, ‘Prices’, 281–3.

136 Commercial contacts between India and the amirate of Mecca have been dealt with in greater detail in Mortel, , Aliwāl, 181193Google Scholar; idem, ‘Prices’, 293–9; idem, ‘Mercantile community’, 15–17, 27–8; idem, ‘Aspects’, passim; idem, ‘Taxation’, 9–16.