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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 January 2016
In this paper I want to examine the significance of Makarios’ combined roles of Archbishop and President of Cyprus for his style of leadership and his political oratory. In so doing I hope to shed some light on certain aspects of ‘The Cyprus Problem’ which has hitherto received scant attention by political scientists and sociologists.
* A version of this paper was read to the Cambridge University Cyprus Society. I should like to thank Professors J. Goody and A. Bryer and Mr. Zenon Stavrinides for their helpful comments on earlier drafts.
1. Smith, D. E., Religion and Political Development (Boston, 1970), p. 124.Google Scholar
2. See Hill, G., A History of Cyprus, IV (Cambridge, 1950).Google Scholar
3. This led to the large church landed estates and chiftliks which amounted to approximately 7.5% of all agricultural land. Cf. Christodoulou, P., The Evolution of the Rural Land Use Pattern in Cyprus. World Land Use Survey, Monograph 2 (London, 1959).Google Scholar
4. There is ample evidence to suggest that the Church was reluctant to do more than give some financial support to the Philiki Hetairia. Cf.
Koumoulides, J., Cyprus and the War of Greek Independence, 1821–29 (Athens, 1971)Google Scholar;
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5. Persianis, P., Church and State in Cyprus Education (Nicosia, 1978).Google Scholar
6. The Cyprus Orthodox Church has been autocephalous since the time of the Emperor Zeno.
7. Macintyre, A., Secularization and Moral Change (Oxford, 1967)Google Scholar, draws a distinction between primary virtues usually found in pre-industrial societies and the secondary virtues of religion which usually accompany the secularization of moral life.
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10. This was the zoemboropanayierka system which began to decrease in importance under the centralized market relations during the period of British rule. Yearly pilgrimages are a central part of the religious calendar.
11. In a significant passage Gramsci notes (Prison Notebooks/1916/, p. 211): ‘the context is the crisis of the ruling class’s hegemony, which occurs either because the ruling class has failed in some major political undertaking for which it has requested, or forcibly extracted, the consent of the broad masses (war, for example) or because huge masses (especially of peasants and petit-bourgeois intellectuals) have passed suddenly from a state of political passivity to a certain activity, and put forward demands which taken together, albeit not organically formulated, add up to a revolution. A “crisis of authority” is spoken of: this is precisely the crisis of hegemony…’. Cf. also the selections of speeches given during the 1950 plebiscite for enosis in Attalides, M., Cyprus: Nationalism and International Politics (Edinburgh, 1979), pp. 33–4.Google Scholar
12. Mayes, S., Makarios. A Biography (London, 1981), p. 19.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
13. At times this iconography took a peculiar form. In a poster famous at the time Makarios was depicted above Greece beckoning Cyprus towards him (and Greece).
14. Weber, M., The Sociology of Religion (London, 1963), pp.46, 47.Google Scholar
15. When criticized by three renegade bishops in 1973, Makarios offered to resign his Presidency but not his episcopal throne.
16. See Loizos, P., The Greek Gift (Oxford, 1975)Google Scholar, and Cassia, P. Sant, Patterns of Politics and Kinship in a Greek-Cypriot Village (Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Cambridge, 1981)Google Scholar, for further details on the patterns of patronage in Cyprus.
17. ‘He was always accessible to those with petitions and complaints however trivial or mundane their request might be. Makarios would accept the homage of the old peasant woman who kissed his hand with the same consideration that he showed to his bishops and ministers or to visiting Greek dignitaries and foreign Heads of State’. S. Mayes, op. cit., p. 91. This can be contrasted with the general high-handed manner of most Greek secular politicians and government officials. Cf. Campbell, J., Honour, Family and Patronage (Oxford, 1963).Google Scholar
18. Loizos, op. cit.
19. Such as, for example, through the AKRITAS plan, which purported to be a plan for a military solution involving the use of force against the Turkish Cypriots.
20. Cf. Loizos, op. cit.; Sant Cassia, op. cit.; Markides, K., The Rise and Fall of the Cyprus Republic (New Haven, 1977).Google Scholar
21. Cf. Papadimitris, , Isloriki Enkyklopaideia tis Kyprou (Nicosia, 1978)Google Scholar; Crawshaw, N., The Cyprus Revolt (London, 1978).Google Scholar
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23. Ibid., p. 240.
24. Pride, J. B., ‘A Transactional View of Speech Functions and Codeswitching’, in Language and Society, ed. McCormack, W. and Wurm, S. (The Hague, 1979)Google Scholar; Sankoff, G., ‘Language use in Multilingual Societies’, in Sociolinguistics, ed. Pride, J. B. and Holmes, J. (Harmondsworth, 1972).Google Scholar
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26. For the purposes of this textual analysis I am disregarding phonological criteria.
27. Pride, op. cit., p. 40.
28. Bloch, M., Political Language and Oratory in Traditional (London, 1975), p. 22.Google Scholar
29. Levi, C., Christ stopped at Eboli (Harmondsworth, 1982), p. 218.Google Scholar
30. Bloch, op. cit., p. 16.
31. Ibid., p. 18.
32. Loizos, P., ‘The Progress of Greek Nationalism in Cyprus, 1878–1970’, in Choice and Change, ed. Davis, J. (London, 1974).Google Scholar
