This article analyses the reasons why the political ideas of Rosa Luxemburg must find, according to Hannah Arendt, their place in the education of political scientists in the countries of the West. For Arendt, two ideas of Luxemburg are pre-eminent: the theory of justice and the theory of political action. Justice is an essential idea to found a common world while political action establishes political freedom. Thus, the political theory of Rosa Luxemburg rejects not only the political thought of Lenin, but constitutes a good criticism of the modern political party systems. Finally, the author demonstrates that Arendt appropriated Luxemburg's non-Marxist political theses as a true expression of political freedom not bound by domination.

The article analyzes the debate that took place in Mexico and Argentina regarding the necessary changes to labour legislation, situating its importance in a historical perspective. Insofar as labour legislation was not an obstacle for the de facto flexibilization of labour relations, the governments of these countries resisted pressures to transform the law. The limits to the changes imposed on labour relations were set by the effort to prevent the final undermining of official labour movements that had been politically associated through corporatism with the parties in power during the 1990s.

This article criticizes two aspects of the current research on Canadian gender gaps: first, the focus on issues in which women reveal more liberal attitudes than men at the expense of other issues; second, the implicit and unstated assumption that when women and men think alike on an issue, it is for very similar reasons. Examining data from the 1993 Canadian Election Study, the author argues that religious beliefs must be accorded a greater role in determining gender gaps, a conclusion drawn from extending analysis to a broader set of issues. In addition, the evidence suggests that even on questions on which women and men appear to agree, their reasons for holding these similar opinions sometimes differ.

Canada is unusual among advanced industrial democracies in having some provinces which regularly have greater voter turnouts for provincial than for federal elections. Provincial and federal turnouts by province in Canada are analyzed for the 1945-1998 period using multiple regression analysis, both for each set of elections and by comparing differences between the two. Federal turnout has declined over the years but provincial turnout appears to have increased slightly. Although the effects found here largely confirm previous findings about the relative effects of different types of variables found for the Canadian federal level only, several of the political explanations previously supported in cross-national research find less support. Instead, region, population density, months since the last federal or provincial election, and season of the year generally have greater and sometimes more consistent effects. This suggests the need for more studies of turnout in democracies at sub-central levels.

This article considers the relationship between rights and federalism in the Supreme Court of Canada's review of cases invoking the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. It considers whether the Supreme Court of Canada has compromised provincial autonomy by establishing Canada-wide standards in provincial areas of jurisdiction. It suggests that the centralization thesis associated with judicial review on Charter grounds is inconclusive, and combining several processes under the rubric of centralization, it misrepresents the Charter's effect on Canadian federalism and provincial autonomy. Further, the centralization thesis has lost much momentum during the course of Charter review, and, as a result, is a limited approach to understanding the relationship between rights and federalism in Canada. Specifically, the Supreme Court of Canada has demonstrated sensitivity to federalism in its Charter jurisprudence, most evident in a complex jurisprudence that has served to offset the centralization thesis and its implications for provincial autonomy. This threepart federalism jurisprudence is federalism as gatekeeper, an explicit federalism jurisprudence and an implicit federalism jurisprudence, which is most evident in the relationship between criminal rights and provincial responsibility for the administration of justice. This article demonstrates that the Court's approach to Charter review has seen a reconciliation between rights and federalism, most evident in the declining importance of the centralization thesis and the growing importance of the three-part federalism jurisprudence during Charter review. This sensitivity to federalism has existed since the beginning of the Court's Charter jurisprudence but has largely been overshadowed by the dominance of the centralization thesis in the Charter debate.

Interest group litigation is often seen as pitting social interests against the state. This view matches a wider perspective that judicial review is a battle between state and social actors. Recently, neo-institutionalist and postpluralists have led political scientists to question the assumptions that underlie these traditional views of judicial review and interest group litigation. If the state is an active patron of interest group litigation then the way we see interest group litigation and judicial review must change. This article traces the history of the Court Challenges Program of Canada and concludes that the Program's evolution challenges the traditional views of judicial review and interest group litigation. It shows an embedded state at war with itself in court.

Policy convergence theory suggests that political leaders ofsocieties will often emulate policy solutions that work in othersettings. Yet political leaders can also reject policy alternatives,leading to policy divergence. This study explores the extent to whichpolicy convergence (and/or divergence) takes place in the legal settingof citation practices by the Supreme Court of Canada. The authorsexamine the Court's practice of citing authorities from other countries,particularly the United States. The findings echo earlier works thathave found increasing citation of US case law since the adoption of theCanadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982. The justices of theCanadian Supreme Court continue to devote considerable attention to thelegal doctrines of other countries' courts, particularly when they areconfronted with Charter disputes. Thus, convergence theory gets somequalified support when applied to the Canadian Supreme Court's citationpractices. The authors provide several complementary explanations forthis evidence of policy emulation, suggesting that it stems from theindividual attitudes of justices, from the litigation strategies pursuedby groups and from broader societal values that the justices adhere toin their rulings. As such, foreign citation patterns of justices on theSupreme Court of Canada should not only be of interest to public lawscholars, but to political scientists generally.

La théorie sur la convergence des politiques soutient que les dirigeants des sociétés imitent souvent les solutions politiques qui ont fait leur preuve dans d'autres contextes. Les dirigeants peuvent également, cependant, rejeter les alternatives politiques menant à des divergences. Cette étude examine la portée de la convergence (ou des divergences) des politiques dans le cadre des pratiques de citation de la Cour suprême du Canada, lorsque celles-ci concernent les autorités de d'autres pays, les États-Unis en particulier. Ses conclusions rejoignent celles de travaux antérieurs qui ont constaté une augmentation des citations des lois américaines depuis l'adoption de la Charte canadienne des droits et libertés, en l982. Les juges de la Cour Suprême du Canada continuent d'accorder une attention importante aux doctrines légales des cours des autres pays, en particulier lorsqu'ils sont confrontés à des contestations de la Charte. Donc la théorie de la convergence est confirmée dans une certaine mesure par les pratiques de citation de la Cour suprême du Canada. L'article fournit plusieurs explications complémentaires de cette politique d'imitation, suggérant qu'elle origine des attitudes individuelles des juges, des stratégies de contestation utilisées par les groupes et, plus largement, des valeurs sociétales auxquelles se référent les juges dans leurs décisions. Par conséquent, les patterns de citation des jurisprudences étrangères de la Cour suprême du Canada devraient intéressé, non seulement les chercheurs en droit public, mais les spécialistes de la science politique en général.

Dobrowolsky, Alexandra. The Politics of Pragmatism: Women, Representation,and Constitutionalism in Canada. By Deborah Stienstra403

Dion, Stéphane. Straight Talk: Speeches and Writings on Canadian Unity.By Ines Molinaro 404

Mellon, Hugh and Martin Westmacott, eds. Political Dispute and JudicialReview: Assessing the Work of the Supreme Court of Canada ByChristopher P. Manfredi 406

Sossin, Lorne M. Boundaries of Judicial Review: The Law of Justiciabilityin Canada. By James B. Kelly 407

Swainger, Jonathan. The Canadian Department of Justice and the Completionof Confederation, 1867-78. By Peter J. Smith 408

Madar, Daniel. Heavy Traffic: Deregulation, Trade, and Transformation inNorth American Trucking. By Anthony Perl 410

Elkin, Stephen and Karol Soltan, eds. Citizen Competence and DemocraticInstitutions. By Henry Milner 411

Bauer, Julien. Politique et religion. Par Stéphane Labranche 413

Waldner, David. State Building and Late Development. By SaimeOzcurumez 415

Mink, Gwendolyn. Welfare's End By Margaret Little 417

Sabatier, Paul A., ed. Theories of the Policy Process By GraceSkogstad 419

Mintrom, Michael. Policy Entrepreneurs and School Choice. ByFrederick M. Hess 420

Shaiko, Ronald G.. Voices and Echoes: Public Interest Representation inthe 1990s and Beyond. By Eric Mintz 422

White, John Kenneth and Daniel M. Shea. New Party Politics: FromJefferson and Hamilton to the Information Age. By Rosalind BlancoCook 423

Raymond, Joad, ed. News, Newspapers, and Society in Early ModernBritain. By Brian Richardson 424

Bennett, Rab. Under the Shadow of the Swastika: The Moral Dilemmas ofResistance and Collaboration in Hitler's Europe. By Lynne Taylor426

Bhatia, G. S., J. S. O'Neill, G. L. Gall and P. D. Bendin, eds. Peace,Justice and Freedom: Human Rights Challenges in the NewMillennium. By Marlies Glasius 427

Brinks, Jan Herman. Children of a New Fatherland: Germany's Post-WarRight-Wing Politics. By Adrienne Wallace 429

Gorbachev, Mikhail. Gorbachev: On My Country and the World. ByMargaret Ogrodnick 430

Greven, Michael Th. and Louis W. Pauly, eds. Democracy beyond theState? The European Dilemma and the Emerging Global Order. ByAlexandra Kogl 432

Krishna, Sankaran. Postcolonial Insecurities: India, Sri Lanka, and theQuestion of Nationhood. By Liz Philipson 433

Sutter, Robert G. Chinese Policy Priorities and Their Implications for theUnited States. By Yuchao Zhu 435

Caspary, William R. Dewey on Democracy. By Brian Hendley 436

Fierlbeck, Katherine. Globalizing Democracy: Power, Legitimacy and theInterpretation of Democratic Ideas. By Boris DeWiel 438

Kymlicka, Will and Wayne Norman, eds. Citizenship in DiverseSocieties. By Paul Gilbert 439

Macleod, Colin M. Liberalism, Justice, and Markets: A Critique of LiberalEquality. By Matthew Clayton 441

Jones, Charles. Global Justice: Defending Cosmopolitanism. By JannaThompson 442

Rey, J.-F., dir. Altérités : entre visible et invisible. Par StéphaneLabranche 444