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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 30 August 2013
An important element of monastic penance and conflict resolution was its repetitive, almost cyclical nature. The manuscripts that were used during these performances often proceed implicitly, which makes them difficult to contextualize and understand. This article considers a possible example of such “hidden” reconciliatory discourse in a manuscript that was produced for the congregation of St. Laurent in Liège around the turn of the eleventh century: Brussels, Royal Library 9361–9367. It examines the sin of pride in monastic dignitaries, discusses the best way to atone for it, and provides tools for the penitent to start living a more virtuous life in the future. The surviving evidence suggests that this manuscript was produced in reaction to the deeds of abbot Berenger, whose actions in 1095 were considered scandalous by contemporaries because he had led his monks into confusion and sin. The article shows how the combination of texts in this manuscript takes on a different meaning because of these politically charged circumstances, and argues that the St. Laurent manuscript was a discreet but methodical way to end the resulting estrangement between Berenger and his monks. In this interpretation, Brussels RL 9361–9367 is a rare and highly relevant testimony to the ways in which monks in the early twelfth century dealt with psychological and social tensions in the wake of an intra-group conflict.
1 Hugh of St. Victor, “De sacramentis Christianae fidei,” Patrologia Latina 176 (Paris 1854) 319–321 (I:9)Google Scholar. Paraphrase by Asad, Talal, “On Ritual and Discipline in Medieval Christian Monasticism,” Economy and Society 16, no. 2 (1987), 183.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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6 The manuscript is not included in Van den Gheyn, Catalogue des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque Royale de Belgique (Brussels: Lamertin, 1901–1948)Google Scholar or the monastery's extant booklists (Corpus catalogorum Belgii: The Medieval Booklists of the Southern Low Countries, vol. 2: Provinces of Liège, Luxemburg and Namur, ed. Derolez, Albert, Victor, Benjamin, and Reynhout, Lucien [Brussels: Paleis der Academiën, 1994], 111–125).Google Scholar
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8 Corpus, 2:108; Silvestre, “Notes,” 165n25.
9 Douai, BM, 871 (Anchin, first half of the twelfth century).
10 De conflictu is partially preserved in Brussels RL 8344–46 and Brussels RL 20716–19 (Silvestre, “Notes,” 162–163 and 165–166). Isidore's Synonyma is preserved in Brussels RL 9875–80, which was produced between 1092 and 1095, according to Lapière, Marie-Rose, La lettre orneé dans les manuscrits mosans d'origine bénédictine (XIe–XIIe siècles) (Paris: Société d'éditions Les Belles lettres, 1981), 125.Google Scholar
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14 Fontaine, Jacques, “Isidore de Séville auteur ‘ascétique’: Les énigmes des Synonyma,” Studi medievali ser. 3, vol. 6, no. 1 (1965): 173–184Google Scholar; idem, “Pénitence publique et conversion personelle: l'apport d'Isidore de Séville à l'évolution médiévale de la pénitence,” Revue de droit canonique 28 (1978): 151–152.Google Scholar
15 The dialogue is between “Ratio” and “Anima,” often translated as “Reason” and “Man.” Yet the scribe from Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II) clearly intended “Anima” to be understood as “Soul,” because he corrected himself when he mislabeled “Anima” as “Homo” on fol. 90r.
16 Fontaine, “Isidore de Séville,” 170–173.
17 Di Sciacca, Claudia, Finding the Right Words: Isidore's “Synonyma” in Anglo-Saxon England (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2008), 18–20CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 34–35, and 174 notes that it was unusual for such compilations to be copied and to acquire a “tradition.” See also Elfassi, Jacques, “Les deux recensions des Synonyma,” in L'édition critique des oeuvres d'Isidore de Séville: Les recensions multiples. Actes du colloque organisé à la Casa de Velázquez et à l'Université Rey Juan Carlos de Madrid (14–15 janvier 2002), eds. Sanz, A. Andrés, Elfassi, J., and Martín, J. C. (Paris: Institut d'Études Augustiniennes, 2008), 153–184Google Scholar; and Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, xxiii–lviii.
18 Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 89r; see Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, 45–46 (ch. 1:56).
19 Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fols. 89v–90r; see Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, 53, 55, 56–57, 59 (ch. 1:67, 1:69, 1:71 and 1:72).
20 Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 90v; see Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, 134–137, 139 (ch. 2:87–88, 2:90, 2:93).
21 Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 90v; see Isidore of Seville, Synonyma, 140 (ch. 2:94).
22 Autpertus, Ambrosius, Libellus de conflictu vitiorum atque virtutum, ed. Weber, R., Ambrosius Autpertus, Opera III. Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis 27b (Turnhout: Brepols, 1979), 909–931Google Scholar. Over the years, the dialogue has also been ascribed to various other authors. See Silvestre, “Notes,” 161.
23 This is a common medieval thought, stemming from Ecclesiasticus/Sirach 10:13 (sometimes 10:15): “Quoniam initium omnis peccati est superbia.”
24 Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 91r; see Ambrosius Autpertus, De conflictu, 910 (ch. 2).
25 Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 96r–v; Ambrosius Autpertus, De conflictu, 929–930 (ch. 28).
26 Life of Euphrosina, ed. AASS Jan. 2 (Antwerp 1643), 712–722.
27 Life of Paula, Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum LV: S. Eusebii Hieronymi opera—epistulae LXXI–CXX, ed. Isidorus Hilberg (Vienna and Leipzig 1922), 306–351 (letter 108).
28 Ibid., 306 (ch. 1).
29 Ibid., 309 (ch. 3); Paula's Abraham-like exile is discussed in Cain, Andrew, “Jerome's Epitaphium Paulae: Hagiography, Pilgrimage, and the Cult of Saint Paula,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 18, vol. 1 (2010): 105–139, esp. 120.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
30 Life of Mary of Egypt, ed. AASS Apr. I (Antwerp 1675), 76–83.
31 Karras, Ruth Mazo, “Holy Harlots: Prostitute Saints in Medieval Legend,” Journal of the History of Sexuality 1, no. 1 (1970), 3, 7, 30–32.Google Scholar
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33 Brussels RL 9361–9367 (II), fol. 105r; Life of Theophilus, 486 (ch. 15–16).
34 Gier, Der Sünder als Beispiel, 344–347.
35 Douai, BM, 871, fol. 155v.
36 Gier, Der Sünder als Beispiel, 255, 271, and 342. From the twelfth century onward, the focus would normally lie on the role of the Jew in corrupting Theophilus and the grace of Mary in saving him. A reading from the point of view of ambitio was more common in the preceding centuries and never disappeared completely. See Patton, Pamela Anne, “Constructing the Inimical Jew in the Cantigas de Santa Maria: Theophilus's Magician in Text and Image,” Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. Merback, Mitchell B. (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2008), 242–252Google Scholar; also Cothren, Michael W., “The Iconography of Theophilus Windows in the First Half of the Thirteenth Century,” Speculum 59, no. 2 (1984), 308–341.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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38 Among the abundant literature, see Hamilton, Sarah, “Penance in the Age of Gregorian Reform,” Retribution, Repentance, and Reconciliation, eds. Cooper, Kate and Gregory, Jeremy (Woodbridge, U.K.: Ecclesiastical History Society and Boydell Press, 2004), 47–73, esp. 49–51.Google Scholar
39 A tenth-century example is the Romano-German pontifical discussed in ibid., 61.
40 Berlière, Ursmer, “Abbaye de Saint-Laurent à Liège,” Monasticon Belge 2 (Maredsous 1928), 32–57Google Scholar; and idem, “L'abbaye de Saint-Laurent de Liège,” Revue bénédictine 7 (1890), 13–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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42 Ursmer Berlière, “Abbaye de Saint-Gérard,” Monasticon Belge 1:31.
43 Pieyns-Rigo, Paulette, “Abbaye de Saint-Trond,” Monasticon Belge 6 (Liège: Centre national de recherches d'histoire religieuse, 1976), 37–38.Google Scholar
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46 Karl Hanquet, “Introduction,” Cantatorium, vi; idem, “L'auteur de la Chronique de Saint-Hubert, du second livre du Miracula Sancti Huberti et du Vita Theoderici. Réponse à M. Cauchie,” Compte rendu des séances de la Commission Royale d'Histoire, ou: recueil de ses bulletins, ser. 5, vol. 11 (1901), 477–516.Google Scholar
47 van Engen, John, Rupert of Deutz (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 25.Google Scholar
48 Cantatorium, 88–89 (ch. 29).
49 The episode is described in (among others) Cauchie, Alfred, La querelle des investitures dans les diocèses de Liège et de Cambrai, vol. 2 (Louvain: C. Peeters, 1890), 7–8 and 45 onwardGoogle Scholar; Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, 27–30; Seibert, Hubertus, Abtserhebungen zwischen Rechtsnorm und Rechtswirklichkeit: Formen der Nachfolgeregelung in lothringischen und schwäbischen Klöstern der Salierzeit (1024–1125) (Mainz, Germany: Selbstverlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1995), 350–377.Google Scholar
50 Cantatorium, 154–166 (ch. 69–70). The monetary scenario is detailed in the Chronicon Sancti Laurentii, ed. Wilhelm Wattenbach, MGH SS 8 (Hannover: Impensis bibliopolii Hahiani, 1848), 277; and its credibility is discussed in Cauchie, La querelle 1:9–16; and Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, 28.
51 Cantatorium, 157 (ch. 70).
52 Cottineau, L. H., Répertoire topo-bibliographique des abbayes et prieurés (Maçon: Protat, 1939), 1087.Google Scholar
53 The Cantatorium does not state clearly whether all of the monks eventually left St. Laurent, yet this is suggested in Rupert of Deutz, Carmina, ed. Wegener, M., MGH Libelli de lite imperatorum et pontificum 3 (Hannover: Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1897), 622–641Google Scholar, here 636–637 (ch. 10). The fifteenth-century Chronicon at 278 reports that discord grew among the monks who stayed behind and that in the end they all left St. Laurent.
54 Cantatorium, 157–159 (ch. 70); see also Arduini, Maria Lodovica, Non fabula sed res: Politische Dichtung und dramatische Gestalt in den Carmina Ruperts von Deutz (Rome: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1985), 101–108.Google Scholar
55 Cantatorium, 158–161 (ch. 70).
56 Ibid., 164–165 (ch. 70).
57 Ibid., 165 (ch. 70).
58 Carmina, 622–641; see Arduini, Non Fabula, 39–74. The most comprehensive discussion of Rupert's work and career is in Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz.
59 Cauchie, La querelle 1:65–66; and Patzold, Steffen, Konflikte im Kloster: Studien zu Auseinandersetzungen in monastischen Gemeinschaften des ottonisch-salischen Reichs (Husum, Germany: Matthiesen, 2000), 73.Google Scholar
60 Cantatorium, 186–187 (ch. 77); a letter from Pope Urban II to Berenger warns him not to rely on the possibility of “H” (that is, Emperor Henry IV) taking care of things. See J.-P. Migne, PL 151 (Paris, 1849–1855), 395–397; Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, 29; Seibert, Abtserhebungen, 282–290 and 355n702.
61 Cantatorium, 194–197 (ch. 78); also Cauchie, La querelle 1:76–77.
62 Cantatorium, 197–198 (ch. 79). There are no contemporary sources from St. Laurent that describe Berenger's reaction and the subsequent events.
63 Cantatorium, 198 (ch. 79): “assumens secum quosdam suorum properavit Leodium.” “Quosdam suorum” probably refers to those who had earlier agreed to accompany Berenger to Otbert for a formal meeting (Cantatorium, 188–191 [ch. 77]). Alternatively, it could refer to monks of St. Laurent, indicating that a part of Berenger's community supported his decision, whereas (as we shall see) others strongly opposed it.
64 Cantatorium, 197–198 (ch. 79).
65 Ibid., 198 (ch. 80).
66 De Vogüé, Adalbert and Neufville, Jean, eds., La règle de Saint-Benoît (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1972), 452–454 (ch. 3).Google Scholar
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68 As is clear from Berenger's defense in the Cantatorium, 198 (ch. 79). Much the same accusation was levelled against Lambert when he accepted the abbacy of Florennes, “victus cupiditate ambitionis,” and Wired when he succeeded Thierry II in St. Hubert at the request of Otbert and Berenger, “nimis ambitioso et inconsiderate gloriam propriam querenti.” Cantatorium, 165 and 227 (ch. 70 and 90).
69 Cantatorium, 198 (ch. 79).
70 Lindsay Bryan, “Vae mundo a scandalis”: The Sin of Scandal in Medieval England (PhD dissertation, University of Toronto, 1998), ii, 38. This definition remained in place until the end of the fourteenth century, when “scandal” started referring to a person's individual reputation as a synonym of “shame,” “disgrace,” or “gossip.”
71 de Jong, Mayke B., The Penitential State: Authority and Atonement in the Age of Louis the Pious, 814–840 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), esp. 121, 152, and 232–238.Google Scholar
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73 Moeglin, “Pénitence publique,” 235. It should be noted that this penance could very well be (semi-) voluntary, in contrast to the ritual of deditio (see Althoff, Gert, “Das Privileg der ‘deditio’: Formen gütlicher Konfliktbeendigung in der mittelalterlichen Adelsgesellschaft,” in Spielregeln der Politik im Mittelalter, ed. Althoff, Gert (Darmstadt: Primus, 1997), 99–125).Google Scholar
74 Famous examples from the region with which this paper is concerned can be found in Folcuin's Gesta or Deeds of the abbots of Lobbes, ed. Georg H. Pertz, MGH SS 4 (Hannover: Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1841), 68; and the Life of Poppo of Stavelot, ed. Georg H. Pertz, MGH SS 11 (Hannover : Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1854), 303.
75 Silvestre, Hubert, Le “Chronicon Sancti Laurentii Leodiensis,” dit de Rupert de Deutz (Louvain: Publications universitaires, 1952)Google Scholar; van Engen, John, “Rupert von Deutz und das sogenannte Chronicon sancti Laurentii Leodiensis: Zur Geschichte des Investiturstreites in Lüttich,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 35 (1979), 33–81Google Scholar; Silvestre, “Rupert de Deutz a-t-il rédigé, au début de sa carrière, un recueil de réflexions pieuses sur l'histoire de l'abbaye liégeoise de St-Laurent?” Revue d'histoire ecclésiastique 77, no. 3–4 (1982): 365–395Google Scholar; idem, “Que nous apprend Renier de St. Laurent sur Rupert de Deutz?” Sacris Erudiri 25 (1982): 49–97.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
76 Chronicon, 279 (ch. 50).
77 De ineptiis cuiusdam idiotae, 593–603.
78 Carmina 622–641; Arduini, Non fabula sed res, 43–49.
79 Cantatorium, 96 (ch. 35); see Berlière, “Abbaye de Saint-Laurent,” 37.
80 For example, Otbert sends Berenger and the archdeacon Henry to St. Hubert to manage the abbey “as if it had no abbot,” but Berenger returns to tell Otbert that Thierry II had returned to the abbacy (Cantatorium, 200 [ch. 81]). Somewhat later, both Thierry II and Otbert offer the abbacy of St. Hubert to Berenger, who refuses because the monks from St. Hubert are far from enthusiastic. Asked by Otbert to name someone else, Berenger suggests Wired, but also recommends that the monks of St. Hubert be consulted (Ibid., 213–215 [ch. 85–86]; also see 220–221 [ch. 89]). In this way, Berenger deftly navigates between the demands of Otbert and those of St. Hubert.
81 As Wiech, Martina (Das Amt des Abtes im Konflikt: Studien zu den Auseinandersetzungen um Äbte früh- und hochmittelalterlicher Klöster unter besonderer Berücksichtigung des Bodenseegebiets [Siegburg, Germany: Verlag F. Schmitt, 1999], 379)Google Scholar notes, conflicts between an abbot and his convent only appear in the sources when they became public knowledge through, for example, a complaint by one of the parties.
82 The Life of Theophilus would only become widely popular in this region during the twelfth century. See Gier, Der Sünder als Beispiel and BHLms, http://bhlms.fltr.ucl.ac.be.
83 Moeglin, “Pénitence publique,” 234.
84 Cf. infra.
85 He twice diverged from this pattern by mistake (fols. 89v and 90r). This, incidentally, indicates that he was copying a manuscript that was not laid out in a similar semi-theatrical manner.
86 Brussels RL 9361–9367, fol. 91r–v.
87 Other examples of words with acute accents are “ó anima” and “formído” on fol. 89r, “cónficis” and “éxcidit” on fol. 93r, “reláberis” on fol. 93v, “domolíta” on 103v, “invenítur” on fols. 89r, 89v, 92v, and so forth.
88 Symes, Carol, “The Appearance of Early Vernacular Plays: Forms, Functions, and the Future of Medieval Theater,” Speculum 77, vol. 3 (2002), esp. 825, 829–830CrossRefGoogle Scholar, contains the quote from Runnalls. Symes notes the irony that texts which were carefully provided with rubrics to facilitate performance are usually dismissed as didactic or “semi-theatrical.” She also notes that (vernacular) plays before 1300 are always presented as “organic to their manuscript surroundings, suggesting in turn that drama was not categorically removed from worship or daily life” (794). See also Norma Kroll, “Power and Conflict in Medieval Ritual and Plays: The Re-Invention of Drama,” Studies in Philology 102, no. 4 (2005): 466–473.
89 Philippart, Guy, Les légendiers latins et autres manuscrits hagiographiques (Turnhout: Brepols, 1977), 112–118.Google Scholar
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92 Ibid., 375; Hamilton, “Penance,” 54–56.
93 See for example the Redactio Fuldensis-Trevirensis in Corpus Consuetudinum Monasticarum, eds. Wegener, Maria, Elvert, Candida and Hallinger, Kassius, vol. VII, no. 3, Consuetudinum saeculi X/XI/XII, monumenta non-Cluniacensia (Siegburg: Franciscum Schmitt success, 1984)Google Scholar, 280 (VI, 17); also Sonntag, Klosterleben, 413 and 419–420.
94 Hughes, Andrew, Medieval Manuscripts for Mass and Office: A Guide to their Organization and Terminology (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982), 14–20Google Scholar; Hamilton, The Practice, 86.
95 Martimort, A. G., Les lectures liturgiques et leurs livres (Turnhout: Brepols, 1992), 100–101.Google Scholar
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97 Hughes, Medieval Manuscripts, 18.
98 Sonntag, Klosterleben, 399–419.
99 Lanfranc suggests that a designated lector took care of the first readings, but that the abbot himself gave the sermon (The Monastic Constitutions of Lanfranc, ed. Knowles, David and Brooke, Christopher N. L. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002)Google Scholar, 164n370. See also the Life of Benedict of Aniane, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH SS 15 (Hannover: Impensis bibliopolii Hahniani, 1887), at 216–217; and the meetings described in the Cantatorium, 173 (ch. 72), 178 (ch. 73 and 75), 199 (ch. 80), 226 (ch. 89).
100 Sonntag, Klosterleben, 440–442.
101 De Jong, The Penitential State, 231.
102 For example, ibid., 269.
103 Ibid., 240–241; see also Booker, Courtney M., Past Convictions: The Penance of Louis the Pious and the Decline of the Carolingians (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2009), esp. 146–149.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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105 Rapp, “Spiritual Guarantors at Penance,” 144–145.
106 Simon of Ghent, Gesta abbatum Sithiensium, ed. Holder-Egger, Oswald, MGH SS 13 (Hannover 1881), 636–637Google Scholar; see Vanderputten, Steven, “Individual Experience, Collective Remembrance, and the Politics of Monastic Reform in High Medieval Flanders,” Early Medieval Europe 20 (2012): 70–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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109 Darmstadt, Universitäts- und Landesbibliothek, 2777.
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111 See Patzold, Konflikte.
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