¹ See Cahn, Jonathan, The Harbinger (Lake Mary, Fla.: FrontLine, 2011)Google Scholar.

² Pentecostals stand apart from other evangelicals based on their insistence that every believer should experience a subsequent work of grace following salvation, referred to as the baptism in the Holy Spirit, that is in turn accompanied by “speaking in tongues.” The faithful are also convinced that the Spirit empowers them to prophesy regarding the future, to supernaturally know things they otherwise have no ability to know, and to watch illness retreat as they pray. The charismatic movement spread similar practices in a wide variety of non-pentecostal churches—including many Catholic churches—beginning in the second half of the twentieth century. While charismatics share pentecostals' stress on the empowerment of the Holy Spirit and on the spiritual gifts mentioned in 1 Corinthians 12, not all adherents agree with pentecostals' prioritization of tongues as the necessary mark of the baptism in the Holy Spirit. See Wacker, Grant, Heaven Below: Early Pentecostals and American Culture (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Anderson, Allan, An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity, 2nd ed. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hocken, Peter, “Charismatic Movement,” in The New International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, ed. Burgess, Stanley M. and Van der Maas, Ed M. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan Publishing House, 2002), 477–519Google Scholar; Burgess, Stanley M., “Charismatic Revival and Renewal,” in Encyclopedia of Religious Revivals in America, ed. McClymond, Michael James (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 2007), 1:99–102.Google Scholar

³ See “Beth Israel Worship Center,” http://www.bethisraelworshipcenter.org/; and “How It All Began,” http://www.bethisraelworshipcenter.org/aboutus.htm.

⁴ See “About Jonathan Cahn,” http://www.bethisraelworshipcenter.org/aboutjonathan.htm.

⁵ Use of the term transnationalism here builds on the types of insights articulated by M. Kearney regarding the distinction between globalization and transnationalism. “Whereas global process are largely decentered from specific national territories and take place in a global space,” Kearney explains, “transnational processes are anchored in and transcend one or more nation-states.” Kearney, M., “The Local and the Global: The Anthropology of Globalization and Transnationalism,” Annual Review of Anthropology 24, no. 1 (October 1995): 548CrossRefGoogle Scholar. As Faydra Shapiro notes, Christian Zionism by its very nature reinforces transnational trends. It is “a movement that is deeply embedded in two nation states at the same time: adherents' countries of residence (which might be anywhere in the world) and the state of Israel.” For Christian Zionists, Shapiro continues, “it is via transnational attachment to Israel that the local nation state is redeemed, through a flow of resources—both material and symbolic—into and out of Israel,” Shapiro, Faydra L., “‘Thank You Israel, for Supporting America’: The Transnational Flow of Christian Zionist Resources,” Identities 19, no. 5 (September 1, 2012): 619CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The specific history detailed in this essay adds to Shapiro's analysis regarding the transnational dimensions of Christian Zionism. In particular, it illuminates how pentecostals' and charismatics' more literal, experience-based sense of identification with Israel and Jews played a crucial role in the emergence of transnational networks of believers from around the world who were united by a shared commitment to the Israeli state.

⁶ In addition to their focus on seven distinct eras or “dispensations” in which God tests humanity's faithfulness, dispensationalists also incorporate a decidedly pessimistic appraisal of the state of the church and world affairs. Put simply, they believe that nothing short of divine intervention in the form of Christ's Second Coming can reverse the decline of civilization worldwide in the current dispensation. See Marsden, George M., Understanding Fundamentalism and Evangelicalism (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1991), 39–41Google Scholar; Noll, Mark A., The Scandal of the Evangelical Mind (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1994), 116–122.Google Scholar

⁷ Jamieson, S.A., “The Second Coming of Christ,” Weekly Evangel 128 (February 26, 1916): 6.Google Scholar

⁸ “The Passing and the Permanent: A Review of Current Life and Thought in the Light of Scripture,” Pentecostal Evangel, no. 1115 (September 7, 1935): 5.Google Scholar

⁹ Smith, Robert O., More Desired than Our Owne Salvation: The Roots of Christian Zionism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 196. Also see 136–140.

¹⁰ Lawrence, Bennet F., Apostolic Faith Restored (St. Louis, Mo.: Gospel Publishing House, 1916)Google Scholar, 12.

¹¹ Whereas many scholars stress the Wesleyan roots of pentecostal spirituality [see for example Synan, Vinson, The Holiness-Pentecostal Tradition: Charismatic Movements in the Twentieth Century (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 1997)Google Scholar, esp. 105–6] other historians have highlighted the movement's significant indebtedness to Reformed groups and emphases. See Blumhofer, Edith Waldvogel, Restoring the Faith: The Assemblies of God, Pentecostalism, and American Culture (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993)Google Scholar, esp. 11–42; Edith Lydia Waldvogel, “The ‘Overcoming Life’: A Study in the Reformed Evangelical Origins of Pentecostalism” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1977).

¹² “Salvation According to the True Tabernacle,” Apostolic Faith 1, no. 10 (September 1907): 3.Google Scholar

¹³ “Type of Pentecost,” Apostolic Faith 1, no. 7 (April 1907): 3Google Scholar. Similar articles appeared elsewhere in the Apostolic Faith, not to mention other pentecostal periodicals. See for example “The Baptism with the Holy Ghost Foreshadowed,” Apostolic Faith 1, no. 4 (December 1906): 2Google Scholar; “Old Testament Feasts Fulfilled in Our Day,” Apostolic Faith 1, no. 9 (September 1907): 2Google Scholar; Seymour, William J., “The Way into the Holiest,” Apostolic Faith 1, no. 2 (October 1906): 4Google Scholar. For a more detailed discussion of early pentecostals' conceptions of “Shekina glory,” see Taves, Ann, Fits, Trances, & Visions: Experiencing Religion and Explaining Experience from Wesley to James (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1999), 337–41.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Ubiquitous claims of divine healing among early pentecostals, for instance, provided powerful, bodily confirmation of the Spirit's work for believers. Believers' hallmark teaching regarding the baptism in the Holy Spirit likewise featured transformative experiences marked by bodily sensations, most notably speaking in tongues, which represented the Spirit's manifestation in and through believers' speech. As Elaine Scarry has argued in her discussion of the body and pain, a “disembodied idea that has no basis in the material world” can nevertheless gain credibility and substantiation by being juxtaposed to “the realm that from the very start has compelling reality to the human mind, the physical body itself.” Scarry, Elaine, The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985)Google Scholar, 125. In much the same way, for pentecostals, their focus on bodily manifestations consistently reinforced and “proved” the validity of their highly spiritualized perspective on the world.

¹⁵ See for example Myland, D. Wesley, The Latter Rain Covenant and Pentecostal Power, 2nd ed. (Chicago, Ill.: Evangel Publishing House, 1911)Google Scholar; Piper, William H., “Tarry, Tarry for the Promise: Joel's Early and Latter Rain Prophecy Considered, the Entire Congregation the Spirit's Vehicle Today,” Latter Rain Evangel 1, no. 3 (December 1908): 17Google Scholar. Also see Hocken, Peter, The Challenges of the Pentecostal, Charismatic, and Messianic Jewish Movements (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2008), 4–5.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Myland, David Wesley, “The Fifth Latter Rain Lecture,” Latter Rain Evangel 1, no. 12 (September 12, 1909)Google Scholar: 13; Myland, Latter Rain Covenant, 78–79.

¹⁷ Proto-pentecostals like John Alexander Dowie and Frank Sandford also frequently combined discussion of “natural Israel” and “spiritual Israel,” though they defined “natural Israel” much more broadly given their commitment to Anglo-Israelism, which viewed Anglo-Saxons as the direct descendants of the “ten lost tribes of Israel.” Also see Ladd, George Eldon, “Israel and the Church,” Evangelical Quarterly 36, no. 4 (October 1964): 206–213.Google Scholar

¹⁸ See Goff, James R., Fields White unto Harvest: Charles F. Parham and the Missionary Origins of Pentecostalism (Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press, 1988), 54–56Google Scholar; Dorman, Jacob S., Chosen People: The Rise of American Black Israelite Religions (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 88, 94.

¹⁹ See Dorman, Chosen People, 53, 90, 210fn144; Dorman, Jacob S., “Black Orientalism and Black Gods of the Metropolis,” in The New Black Gods: Arthur Huff Fauset and the Study of African American Religion (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009)Google Scholar, 142n84.

²⁰ As Reginald Horsman writes, throughout U.S. history the term “Anglo-Saxon” has had a very imprecise meaning: “It was often used by the 1840s to describe the white people of the United States in contrast to blacks, Indians, Mexicans, Spaniards, or Asiatics, although it was frequently acknowledged that the United States already contained a variety of European strains. Yet even those who liked to talk of a distinct ‘American’ race, composed of the best Caucasian strains, drew heavily on the arguments developed to elevate the Anglo-Saxons.” Horsman, Reginald, Race and Manifest Destiny: Origins of American Racial Anglo-Saxonism (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), 3–5.Google Scholar

²¹ The first mention of British Israelism can be traced back to the late eighteenth-century writings of Richard Brothers. A retired officer in the British navy, Brothers believed himself called of God to return Jews to Palestine. Moreover, he was convinced that numerous Europeans, especially individual from Britain, were ignorant of their biological ties to ancient Israel. Whereas Brothers remained a largely solitary figure, the writings of John Wilson in the mid-1800s, and of Edward Hine in the 1870s, helped create a bona fide social movement. Subsequently, Joseph Wild in Brooklyn, New York, and C. A. L. Totten in New Haven, Connecticut, played an important role in popularizing Anglo-Israelism in the U.S. They assured their fellow citizens that while the inhabitants of England represented the lost tribe of Ephraim in ancient Israel, Anglo-Saxons across the Atlantic descended from members of the tribe of Manasseh. See Barkun, Michael, Religion and the Racist Right: The Origins of the Christian Identity Movement, rev. ed. (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1997), 4–11.Google Scholar

²² See for example Leaves of Healing 15, no. 23 (September 24, 1904): 792.Google ScholarPubMed

²³ Shipps, Jan, Mormonism: The Story of a New Religious Tradition (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987)Google Scholar, 75. It is also important to note that the early Mormons still reserved an important role for Jews and the so-called ten lost tribes of Israel in their eschatological frameworks. See for example Smith, More Desired than Our Owne Salvation, 146–148.

²⁴ Mauss, Armand, “In Search of Ephraim: Traditional Mormon Conceptions of Lineage and Race,” Journal of Mormon History 25, no. 1 (1999): 131–173.Google Scholar

²⁵ “Opening of Zion's Hall of Seventies,” Leaves of Healing 5, no. 14 (January 28, 1899): 255.Google Scholar

²⁶ See Faupel, D. William, “Theological Influences on the Teachings and Practices of John Alexander Dowie,” Pneuma 29 (2007): 250–251.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

²⁷ “Opening of Zion's Hall of Seventies,” 255.

²⁸ “Elijah's Restoration Messages,” Leaves of Healing 12, no. 17 (February 14, 1903): 533.Google Scholar

²⁹ “Dowie and the ‘Mormons,’” Deseret Evening News, April 13, 1906. For a brief summary of other similarities linking Dowie to the Mormons, see Faupel, “Theological Influences,” 251–253.

³⁰ “Elijah's Restoration Messages,” 526.

³¹ Dowie, John Alexander, “Zion's Onward Movement,” Leaves of Healing 2, no. 20 (March 6, 1896): 309.Google Scholar

³² See Robins, R.G., A.J. Tomlinson: Plainfolk Modernist (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 170–171.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

³³ Sandford, Frank, “Judah First,” Everlasting Gospel 2, no. 36–39 (September 1, 1902): 464.Google Scholar

³⁴ Sandford, Frank, “The Outlook,” Everlasting Gospel 1, no. 31–32 (September 1, 1901): 248.Google Scholar

³⁵ For discussion of the emergence of Anglo-Saxon triumphalism in the nineteenth century U.S., see Horsman, Race and Manifest Destiny. Sandford did qualify the racist implications of his claims, at least somewhat, by insisting that any British or U.S. citizens who supported their respective countries would be “grafted” into the Israelite race. See Faupel, David W., The Everlasting Gospel: The Significance of Eschatology in the Development of Pentecostal Thought (Sheffield, England: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996), 151–152n114.Google Scholar

³⁶ Robins, A.J. Tomlinson, 153–154; Sandford, Frank, “The Daily Trend of World-Wide Events in the Light of the Holy Scriptures,” Everlasting Gospel 1, no. 6 (January 29, 1901): 47Google Scholar. Sandford drew his inspiration for the name “Shiloh” from Genesis 49:10. Also see Faupel, Everlasting Gospel, 151–152n114.

³⁷ See for example Leaves of Healing 15, no. 23 (September 24, 1904): 792.Google ScholarPubMed

³⁸ Jacobsen, Douglas, Thinking in the Spirit: Theologies of the Early Pentecostal Movement (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003)Google Scholar, 18. It is also interesting to note that when Parham originally published a theological exploration of pentecostal distinctives, A Voice Crying in the Wilderness, he included a transliteration of the title in Hebrew (Kol Kare Bomidbar).

³⁹ Parham, Sarah E., The Life of Charles F. Parham, Founder of the Apostolic Faith Movement (New York: 1930; repr. Garland, 1985)Google Scholar, 133. Also see Dorman, Chosen People, 100–103. Dorman notes that Parham's embrace of various Israel-themed ritual displays were pro-imperialistic and reflected an Orientalist fascination with ethnic and racial others.

⁴⁰ Geertz, Clifford, “Blurred Genres: The Refiguration of Social Thought,” American Scholar 49, no. 2 (Spring 1980): 173Google Scholar. My use of the term “imagined community” builds on the work of Benedict Anderson. In his application of the term in relation to the communities formed in modern nations, Anderson writes, “It is imagined because the members of even the smallest nation will never know most of their fellow-members, meet them, or even hear of them, yet in the minds of each lives the image of their communion.” Anderson, Benedict, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism, rev. ed. (London: Verso, 1991)Google Scholar, 6.

⁴¹ Dowie, John Alexander, “Elijah's Restoration: Messages of Purity, Peace and Power,” Leaves of Healing 10, no. 8 (December 14, 1901): 262.Google Scholar

⁴² In this respect, Dowie reflected the same type of ambivalence towards Jews evident in the writings of non-pentecostal proponent of British Israelism such as Charles A.L. Totten. See Barkun, Religion and the Racist Right, 124–125. It is also important to note that modified British Israelite teachings eventually supported the overt antisemitism associated with the “Christian Identity” movement.

⁴³ Dowie, John Alexander, “Streams of Life from Shiloh,” Leaves of Healing 11, no. 10 (June 28, 1902): 328–329.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Dowie, John Alexander, “Elijah's Restoration Message,” Leaves of Healing 13, no. 6 (May 30, 1903): 173.Google Scholar

⁴⁵ See for example Parham, Charles, A Voice Crying in the Wilderness, in The Sermons of Charles F. Parham, ed. Dayton, Donald W. (1944; repr. New York: Garland, 1985)Google Scholar, 91, 120; Sandford, “Judah First,” 464.

⁴⁶ Parham, Voice Crying in the Wilderness, 104, 120. Here, Parham foreshadowed similar (controversial) ideas promoted by the prominent late twentieth-century Christian Zionist, John Hagee. For his part, Sandford believed in conversion efforts aimed at Jews. See Sandford, “Judah First,” 464.

⁴⁷ See for example King, Paul L., Genuine Gold: The Cautiously Charismatic Story of the Early Christian and Missionary Alliance (Tulsa, Okla.: Word & Spirit Press, 2006)Google Scholar, 235; Knowles, B., “Dallimore, A. H.,” in International Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, ed. Burgess, Stanley M. and Van der Maas, Ed M., rev. ed. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Zondervan, 2002)Google Scholar, 570; Richmann, Christopher J., “Prophecy and Politics: British-Israelism in American Pentecostalism,” Cyberjournal for Pentecostal-Charismatic Research, no. 22 (January 2013)Google Scholar, http://www.pctii.org/cyberj/cyberj22/richmann.html. As it happens, both Bosworth and Lake possessed direct ties to Dowie's ministry.

⁴⁸ Pentecostals' increased focus on institution-building as well as some believers' patriotic support of the U.S. government during World War I played an important role in pushing the early movement towards the evangelical mainstream. See Robins, R.G., Pentecostalism in America (Santa Barbara, Calif.: Praeger, 2010), 51–56Google Scholar; Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith, 142–163. R. Laurence Moore also discusses pentecostals' movement away from their early apolitical stance and towards full-fledged patriotism and engagement with the wider culture in Moore, R. Laurence, Religious Outsiders and the Making of Americans (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), 128–149Google Scholar. Other historians call attention to the role of healing evangelists in bringing pentecostal spirituality closer to the mainstream beginning in the 1920s, frequently highlighting the role of Aimee Semple McPherson. See Jonathan R. Baer, “Perfectly Empowered Bodies: Divine Healing in Modernizing America” (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 2002), 289–326; William, James Opp, The Lord for the Body: Religion, Medicine and Protestant Faith Healing in Canada, 1880–1930 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's, 2005), 146–175Google Scholar; Matthew Sutton, Avery, Aimee Semple McPherson and the Resurrection of Christian America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2007).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ Lindsay, Gordon, “The Holy Land in Prophecy,” Voice of Healing 5, no. 6 (September 1952): 18–19Google Scholar; 22.

⁵⁰ Lindsay, Gordon, “The Fate of Israel,” Voice of Healing 12, no. 7 (October 1959): 4–5Google Scholar; 14–15.

⁵¹ Lindsay, Gordon, “Israel's Prophetic Destiny Revealed in Her Stamps,” Voice of Healing 6, no. 5 (August 1953): 26–29.Google Scholar

⁵² Percy Hunt, “Some General Principles,” Sharon Star, March 1, 1951, 1. Hunt first articulated this perceived connection in an earlier edition of the Sharon Star. See Percy Hunt, “A Pattern for Pentecost,” Sharon Star, October 1, 1949, 1–3.

⁵³ Warnock, George H., The Feast of Tabernacles (Springfield, Mo.: Bill Britton, 1951)Google Scholar, 8. While Warnock's focus on spiritual Israel mimicked classic Reformed tropes, he did not go so far as most Reformed teachers and stress the Church's complete replacement of Israel in God's divine plan. See for example ibid., 12–13.

⁵⁴ See Richmann, “Prophecy and Politics: British-Israelism in American Pentecostalism.”

⁵⁵ Mark Silk notes, “After the revelations of the Nazi death camps, a phrase like ‘our Christian civilization’ seemed ominously exclusive; greater comprehensiveness was needed for proclaiming the spirituality of the American Way.” With the emergence of the Cold War, such rhetoric was also easily enlisted on behalf of anti-Communist campaigns. Indicative of the sheer reach of these changes, notable public figures who helped popularize this new language ranged from the neo-orthodox theologian Reinhold Niebuhr to Will Herberg, author of Protestant Catholic Jew (1955), as well as President Eisenhower. Silk, Mark, “Notes on the Judeo-Christian Tradition in America,” American Quarterly 36, no. 1 (Spring 1984): 69CrossRefGoogle Scholar. President Eisenhower is quoted on page 65. As Kevin Schultz observes, “Judeo-Christian” rhetoric was eventually “co-opted” by the Religious Right even as the concept lost much of its luster in other circles. See Schultz, Kevin M., Tri-Faith America: How Catholics and Jews Held Postwar America to Its Protestant Promise (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 200–202.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ David Nunn, “God's Double Move in the Earth,” Voice of Healing (March 1956), 4, 14.

⁵⁷ “Mr. Pentecost Looks Toward the Future,” Charisma 10, no. 10 (May 1985): 55.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ For an early example of Prince's teaching regarding the “parallel restoration” of Israel and the pentecostal-charismatic movement, which dates back to 1971, see “Prophecy, God's Time Map,” http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=m0gf_S68Uvs. The diagram that Prince uses at the end of the teaching details his understanding of the twentieth-century parallels between Israel and the pentecostal-charismatic movement.

⁵⁹ Prince, Derek, “Update,” New Wine 11, no. 6 (June 1979): 11Google Scholar. Israel became an even more central focus of Prince's when his first wife died in the mid-1970s. His second wife, Ruth Baker, converted to Judaism and then returned to the Christian fold when she received a vision of Jesus while hospitalized. Despite her reconnection with her childhood faith, she “found her love for the nation of Israel suddenly intense,” and moved to Israel to work for a Christian book distributor. While there she met Prince, and following their marriage the couple soon decided to spend half of each year in Jerusalem, and the other half at their ministry headquarters in Florida. See Howard, Linda, “A New Beginning,” Charisma 9, no. 9 (April 1984): 41.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Stearns, Robert, “Why Israel Matters,” Charisma 31, no. 10 (May 2006): 41.Google Scholar

⁶¹ The surging popularity of highly spiritualized forms of healing in the latter decades of the twentieth century epitomized the changing religious landscape in the U.S. See for example Fuller, Robert C., Alternative Medicine and American Religious Life (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), 91–117Google Scholar. As detailed by Robert Wuthnow, the declining power of denominations in American life also played an important role in opening the door for new forms of religiosity. See Wuthnow, Robert, The Restructuring of American Religion (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1988), 71–99.Google Scholar

⁶² Kate Bowler's history of the American prosperity gospel provides an especially relevant assessment of the intimate connection between pentecostal-style expressions of conservative Christianity and American therapeutic culture, Bowler, Kate, Blessed: A History of the American Prosperity Gospel (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. My understanding of American therapeutic culture has also been shaped by Lears, T. J. Jackson, “From Salvation to Self-Realization: Advertising and the Therapeutic Roots of the Consumer Culture, 1880–1930,” in The Culture of Consumption: Critical Essays in American History, 1880–1980, ed. Fox, Richard Wightman and Lears, T. J. Jackson (New York: Pantheon, 1983), 1–38Google Scholar. Also see Moskowitz, Eva, In Therapy We Trust: America's Obsession with Self-Fulfillment (Baltimore, Md.: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001)Google Scholar; Furedi, Frank, Therapy Culture: Cultivating Vulnerability in an Uncertain Age (London: Routledge, 2004)Google Scholar; White, Mimi, Tele-Advising: Therapeutic Discourse in American Television (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992)Google Scholar.

⁶³ Robins, A.J. Tomlinson, 31. As the historian of pentecostalism Edith Blumhofer explains, early pentecostals typically embraced a holiness ethic that eschewed worldly indulgences, but later generations “seemed inclined to revel in possessions and to find appealing emphases that emanated from independent Pentecostal centers urging the reasonableness of health and wealth for believers.” Blumhofer, Restoring the Faith, 256.

⁶⁴ The fact that many “prosperity” preachers were also staunch Christian Zionists provides further confirmation of the close connection between American therapeutic culture and Israel-themed ritual and rhetoric in pentecostal and charismatic circles. See Bowler, Blessed, 201–202.

⁶⁵ For a history of the Jesus People, as well as the movement's close ties to pentecostal-style spirituality, see Eskridge, Larry, God's Forever Family: The Jesus People Movement in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), 77–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Daniel Juster and Peter Hocken briefly discuss the Jesus People movement's ability to attract Jewish adherents in The Messianic Jewish Movement: An Introduction (Toward Jerusalem Council II, 2004), 15–16.

⁶⁶ Dan Cohn-Sherbok discusses the growing popularity of the label “Messianic Judaism,” as well as the role of charismatic-friendly Jewish believers who pushed for this change, Messianic Judaism (London: Cassell, 2000), 66–71.Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Hocken, Challenges of the Pentecostal, Charismatic, and Messianic Jewish Movements, 103.

⁶⁸ A breakdown of the religious affiliation of Kansas City conference attendees, published in the Washington Post, included Messianic Jews as one of ten groups listed. See Marjorie Hyer, “Charismatics of Many Churches Meet: Members See Movement Leading to Christian Unity and Renewal,” Washington Post, July 22, 1977.

⁶⁹ Schiffman, Michael, Return of the Remnant: The Rebirth of Messianic Judaism (1992; repr. Baltimore, Md.: Lederer, 1996), 128–129Google Scholar. Dan Cohn-Sherbok provides a helpful summary of Schiffman's survey of Messianic congregations in the late 1980s in Messianic Judaism, 82–85.

⁷⁰ Hocken, Challenges of the Pentecostal, Charismatic, and Messianic Jewish Movements, 97.

⁷¹ Pentecostal and charismatic publications closely followed, for example, a 1989 decision by Israeli courts that denied Messianic Jews the “right of return” to Israel, rejecting their identity as Jews given their conversion to Christianity. As one article noted, “[A]uthorities in Jerusalem have for many years courted evangelicals in the United States because American Christians spend millions of dollars in Israel during Holy Land pilgrimages . . . Yet Messianic Jews inside Israel are treated like second-class citizens.” Grady, Lee and Wolfe, Brian, “Grasping for the Peace of Jerusalem,” Charisma 17, no. 10 (May 1992): 54.Google Scholar

⁷² These estimates appear in Telchin, Stan, Messianic Judaism Is Not Christianity: A Loving Call to Unity (Grand Rapids, Mich.: Chosen Books, 2004)Google Scholar, 70; Justice, Nancy, “Book Claiming Messianic Judaism Is Not Christianity Stirs Controversy,” Charisma 30, no. 27 (February 2005): 23–24.Google Scholar

⁷³ Buckingham, Jackie, “Come With Me to the Holy Land,” Charisma 20, no. 9 (April 1995): 26–33Google Scholar. See also Charisma 20, no. 9 (April 1995)Google ScholarPubMed; Charisma 31, no. 10 (May 2006)Google Scholar; Charisma 32, no. 11 (June 2007)Google Scholar; Charisma 33, no. 3 (October 2007).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ See Zechariah 14:16. Also see Verdase, Danae, “Israel, You Are Not Alone,” Charisma 8, no. 10 (June 1983): 8–14Google Scholar; John Black, “Sukkot and the Gentiles,” October 25, 2012, http://int.icej.org/news/commentary/sukkot-and-gentiles.

⁷⁵ Schwartz, Matthew, “Israel, You Are Not Alone,” New Wine 14, no. 1 (January 1982): 20.Google Scholar

⁷⁶ The ICEJ was originally formed in response to international protest against the Israeli parliament following its declaration of Jerusalem as the undivided, eternal capital of the Israeli state. When several nations removed their embassies from Jerusalem, conservative Christians with strong ties to the pentecostal-charismatic movement established the ICEJ in a show of support. See “History: The ICEJ's Story and Purpose,” http://int.icej.org/history. Also see “Feast of Tabernacles Celebrated in U.S.,” Charisma 19, no. 9 (April 1994): 90Google Scholar; Bruce, Billy, “Christians, Messianic Jews Support Israel at Jubilee Gala,” Charisma 23, no. 12 (July 1998), 22.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ The language of “one new man” derived from the words of the Apostle Paul in Ephesians 2:15.

⁷⁸ See for example Peter Manseau, “Fake Rabbi Showdown,” Religion Dispatches, February 4, 2012, http://religiondispatches.org/archive/culture/5647/fake_rabbi_showdown___culture___/.

⁷⁹ See Luiza Oleszczuk, “Paula White Wrapped in Torah Scroll by Rabbi Ralph Messer in 2009 Video,” http://www.christianpost.com/news/paula-white-wrapped-in-torah-scroll-by-rabbi-ralph-messer-in-2009-video-68866/.

⁸⁰ Guth, James L. et al. , “Religion and Foreign Policy Attitudes: The Case of Christian Zionism,” in Religion and the Culture Wars: Dispatches from the Front (Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield, 1996), 338–350.Google Scholar

⁸¹ See for example the following video excerpt from CUFI event in Washington, D.C., which originally aired on the Christian Daystar television network, “Christians United for Israel Part 2,” http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3viYdG-WMX8.

⁸² See Bell, Catherine M., Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992)Google Scholar, 183.

⁸³ A Charisma article featuring John Hagee's ministry, for example, addressed the controversy caused by his claim that Christians need not work to convert Jews, “A Staunch Defender of Israel,” Charisma 29, no. 9 (April 2004): 50.Google Scholar

⁸⁴ See for example Anderson, Allan, An Introduction to Pentecostalism: Global Charismatic Christianity (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2004)Google Scholar, 211, 283.

⁸⁵ See Schwartz, “Israel, You Are Not Alone.” The close ties between the International Christian Embassy Jerusalem and the pentecostal-charismatic movement is readily apparent when looking at the religious backgrounds and training of the Embassy's leadership. See “ICEJ Headquarters,” http://int.icej.org/icej-headquarters.

⁸⁶ Stahl, Julie, “Christians Honor Israel,” Charisma 19, no. 5 (December 1993): 73Google Scholar; Strang, Stephen, “Feast of Tabernacles Draws Record Crowds,” Charisma 33, no. 5 (December 2007): 27.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Miller, Donald E., “Pentecostalism as a Global Phenomenon,” in Spirit and Power: The Growth and Global Impact of Pentecostalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, 2.

⁸⁸ Strang, “Feast of Tabernacles Draws Record Crowds,” 27.

⁸⁹ Not all of the successful Messianic broadcasters directly identified with the penetecostal-charismatic movement. Zola Levitt's views, for example, placed him closer to the Southern Baptist Convention than to traditional pentecostal or charismatic churches and denominations. Even so, pentecostal and charismatic media outlets provided the most significant outlet for Levitt's television program, Zola Levitt Presents. Beginning in the early 1980s the pentecostal and charismatic-oriented Trinity Broadcast Network (TBN) gave the Messianic Jewish figure a prime-time slot for his show, which featured content focused on “Israel, prophecy, and the Jewish roots of Christianity.” And years later Levitt's television manager made it clear that for over two decades TBN as well as Pat Robertson's CBN provided the “backbone of the viewership necessary to sustain an ongoing national ministry.” See “Personal Letter,” September 2006, http://www.levitt.com/letters/2006-09. Also see Zola Levitt Ministries, “About Us,” http://www.levitt.com/about.

⁹⁰ In the U.S., “Le Chayim” was broadcast by Pat Robertson's Christian Broadcast Network (CBN) and Jim and Tammy Bakker's Praise the Lord network (PTL). See Ojarovsky, Ted, “Good News for Modern Jews,” Charisma 12, no. 3 (September 1986): 66Google Scholar; “Messianic Jewish Voices,” Charisma 22, no. 9 (April 1997): 55–56Google Scholar. 65

⁹¹ See Jewish Voice Ministries International, “Jewish Festivals of Music & Dance,” http://www.jewishvoice.org/outreaches/festivals/.

⁹² Ojarovsky, “Good News for Modern Jews,” 65–66.

⁹³ See “About the Ministry,” http://sidroth.org/about/about-ministry.

⁹⁴ Lugo, Luis et al. , Spirit and Power: A 10-Country Survey of Pentecostals (Washington, D.C.: Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life, October 2006), 71–72.Google Scholar

⁹⁵ Parham pushed the transnational implications of early pentecostal British Israelism even further by broadening his definition of the ten tribes of Israel to include more than just Anglo-Saxons. See Parham, Voice Crying in the Wilderness, 106–107.

⁹⁶ Other scholars have noted the growing transnational sensibility evident among late-twentieth-century evangelicals in the U.S. David Swartz stresses the emergence of an evangelical left beginning largely in the 1960s and 1970s that consistently critiqued U.S.-centric perspectives. Molly Worthen likewise notes how the global scope of the pentecostal movement “demands a cross-cultural, multiracial perspective.” See Swartz, David R., Moral Minority: The Evangelical Left in an Age of Conservatism (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Worthen, Molly, Apostles of Reason: The Crisis of Authority in American Evangelicalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014Google Scholar, 264. The history of pentecostal Zionism, on the other hand, reveals the extent to which transnational, post-American emphases were nurtured in conservative pentecostal circles in the U.S., and initially took shape before pentecostalism's explosive growth caught the attention of fellow evangelicals.

⁹⁷ See, for example, Smith, More Desired than Our Owne Salvation.

⁹⁸ Jack Hayford quoted in Brad A. Greenberg, “Evangelical Prayer Banquet Promotes Love for Israel,” Jewish Journal, May 24, 2007, http://www.jewishjournal.com/community_briefs/article/evangelical_prayer_banquet_promotes_love_for_israel_20070525.