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Turk and Jew in Berlin: The First Turkish Migration to Germany and the Shoah

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 April 2013

Marc David Baer*
History, University of California, Irvine


In this paper I critically examine the conflation of Turk with Muslim, explore the Turkish experience of Nazism, and examine Turkey's relation to the darkest era of German history. Whereas many assume that Turks in Germany cannot share in the Jewish past, and that for them the genocide of the Jews is merely a borrowed memory, I show how intertwined the history of Turkey and Germany, Turkish and German anti-Semitism, and Turks and Jews are. Bringing together the histories of individual Turkish citizens who were Jewish or Dönme (descendants of Jews) in Nazi Berlin with the history of Jews in Turkey, I argue the categories “Turkish” and “Jewish” were converging identities in the Third Reich. Untangling them was a matter of life and death. I compare the fates of three neighbors in Berlin: Isaak Behar, a Turkish Jew stripped of his citizenship by his own government and condemned to Auschwitz; Fazli Taylan, a Turkish citizen and Dönme, whom the Turkish government exerted great efforts to save; and Eric Auerbach, a German Jew granted refuge in Turkey. I ask what is at stake for Germany and Turkey in remembering the narrative of the very few German Jews saved by Turkey, but in forgetting the fates of the far more numerous Turkish Jews in Nazi-era Berlin. I conclude with a discussion of the political effects today of occluding Turkish Jewishness by failing to remember the relationship between the first Turkish migration to Germany and the Shoah.

Research Article
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 2013

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1 Guttstadt, Corry, Die Türkei, die Juden und der Holocaust (Hamburg: Assoziation A, 2008), 112–21; 135–47Google Scholar.

2 Ibid., 104–9.

3 Guttstadt, Corinna, “Sepharden an der Spree: Türkische Juden im Berlin der 20er- und 30er-Jahre und ihr Schicksal während der Schoah,” in Berlin in Geschichte und Gegenwart, Jahrbuch des Landesarchivs Berlin 2008 (Berlin, 2009), 215Google Scholar.

4 Jewish subjects of the Ottoman Empire had resided in Central Europe since at least the seventeenth century. The Austro-Hungarian Empire gave official recognition to the Ottoman Jewish community of Vienna in the late eighteenth century, and it eventually grew to about one thousand members. They built their impressive synagogue in Moorish style in 1887. See “Die Türken in Wien: Geschichte einer jüdischen Gemeinde,” Jüdisches Museum Wien, 5 Dec. 2010–9 Jan. 2011; and Guttstadt, Die Türkei, 135–43. Information about Ottoman Jews in Berlin comes from Guttstadt, “Sepharden an der Spree,” 215–33. The article was the basis of the exhibit, “Vom Bosporus an die Spree: Türkische Juden in Berlin,” Stiftung Neue Synagoge Berlin—Centrum Judaicum, 4 Feb.–4 July 2010.

5 Guttstadt, “Sepharden an der Spree,” 216.

6 Guttstadt, Die Türkei, 145.

7 A representative bibliography of recent books published in English alone demonstrates this point. See Argun, Betigül Ercan, Turkey in Germany: The Transnational Sphere of Deutschkei (New York: Routledge, 2003)Google Scholar; Göktürk, Deniz, Gramling, David, and Kaes, Anton, eds., Germany in Transit: Nation and Migration, 1955–2005 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007)Google Scholar; Kosnick, Kira, Migrant Media: Turkish Broadcasting and Multicultural Politics in Berlin (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Yurdakul, Gökçe, From Guestworkers into Muslims: The Transformation of Turkish Immigrant Associations in Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2008)Google Scholar; Sökefeld, Martin, Struggling for Recognition: The Alevi Movement in Germany and in Transnational Space (London: Berghahn Books, 2008)Google Scholar, and Chin, Rita, The Guestworker Question in Post-War Germany (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009)Google Scholar. Most of these studies do not recognize that the category “Turkish guest worker” includes a significant number of migrants from Turkey who identify as Kurds, Armenians, and Arabs.

8 Adelson, Leslie, The Turkish Turn in Contemporary German Literature: Toward a New Critical Grammar of Migration (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 20CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Turks (and Kurds from Turkey) in Germany also compare themselves to Jews, drawing parallels between the anti-Semitism of the Nazi era and hatred of “foreigners” today. See Georgi, Viola, Entliehene Erinnerung: Geschichtsbilder junger Migranten in Deutschland (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 2003), 166–67, 238–41, 258–64, 283Google Scholar; Peck, Jeffrey, “Jews and Turks: Discourses of the ‘Other,’” in idem, Being Jewish in the New Germany (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 2006), 86109Google Scholar; Yurdakul, Gökçe and Bodemann, Y. Michal, “‘We Don't Want to Be the Jews of Tomorrow’: Jews and Turks in Germany after 9/11,” German Politics and Society 24, 2 (2006): 4467CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mandel, Ruth, Cosmopolitan Anxieties: Turkish Challenges to Citizenship and Belonging in Germany (Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 2008), 129–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Margalit, Gilad, “On Being Other in Post-Holocaust Germany: German-Turkish Intellectuals and the German Past,” in Brunner, José and Levi, Shai, eds., Juden und Muslime in Deutschland: Recht, Religion, Identität, Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für deutsche Geschichte 37 (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2009), 209–32Google Scholar; Chin, Rita and Fehrenbach, Heide, “Introduction: What's Race Got to Do With It? Postwar German History in Context,” in Chin, Rita, Fehrenbach, Heide, Eley, Geoff, and Grossman, Atina, eds., After the Nazi Racial State: Difference and Democracy in Germany and Europe (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2009), 1014CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Yurdakul, Gökçe, “Juden und Türken in Deutschland: Integration von Immigranten, politische Repräsentation und Minderheitenrechte,” in Yurdakul, Gökçe and Bodemann, Michal, eds., Staatsbürgerschaft, Migration und Minderheiten: Inklusion und Ausgrenzungsstrategien im Vergleich (Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2010), 127–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

10 Adelson, The Turkish Turn, 20.

11 Interview, Magazin Lettre International, 2009, heft 86, 197–201. See “Former Finance Minister Slams Berlin's ‘Underclass,’” Spiegel Online International, 1 Oct. 2009,,1518,652582,00.html; and “Sarrazin Stripped of Key Power after Disparaging Remarks about Immigrants,” Spiegel Online International, 13 Oct. 2009,,1518,654955,00.html.

12 Over ten thousand Jews in Berlin are officially registered as members of the community. Many tens of thousands more live in the city without affiliation. See (accessed 1 June 2010); and Peck, “Russian Immigration and the Revitalization of German Jewry,” in idem, Being Jewish in the New Germany, 40–59.

13 See Y; Bodemann, Michal, “Introduction: The Return of the European Jewish Diaspora,” in The New German Jewry and the European Context: The Return of the European Jewish Diaspora (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), 112Google Scholar.

14 Disturbingly, in the days following the publication of Sarrazin's initial remarks, an opinion poll showed that over half of Germans agreed with him. He subsequently published these ideas—that Germans are having far too few children, while Muslim immigrants are having too many; that Germany is headed toward a Muslim majority; that intelligence is inherited, and since Muslims are less intelligent than Germans, there will be a general dumbing down, hence the preference for Jewish immigrants, said to have higher IQs than Germans, expressed in his book Deutschland schafft sich ab. The book has sold well over a million copies, which more than compensates him for being dismissed from his position at the Central Bank. Sarrazin, Thilo, Deutschland schafft sich ab: Wie wir unser Land aufs Spiel setzen, 19th printing (Berlin: Deutsche Verlags-Anstalt, 2010)Google Scholar. These quotes appear on 93, 96, and 348. See also Michael Slackman, “Book Sets off Painful Immigration Debate in Germany,” New York Times, 3 Sept. 2010, World/Europe section, A4; and Michael Slackman, “The Saturday Profile—Thilo Sarrazin,” New York Times, 13 Nov. 2010, World/Europe section, A6.

15 İrfan Sezer, “Nazi kurbanı Türkler anıldı” (Turkish victims of the Nazis commemorated), Munich, Hürriyet Avrupa, 4 May 2009.

16 Adelson, Leslie, “Introduction,” in Şenocak, Zafer, Atlas of a Tropical Germany: Essays on Politics and Culture, 1990–1998 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000), xxxGoogle Scholar.

17 Şenocak, Zafer, Perilous Kinship, Cheesman, Tom, trans. (Swansea, Wales: Hafan, 2009), 32Google Scholar. The novel originally appeared in German as Gefährliche Verwandtschaft (Munich: Babel Verlag, 1998)Google Scholar.

18 Ibid., 59, 70–71.

19 Şenocak, Perilous Kinship, 19.

20 Ibid., 8; Adelson, The Turkish Turn, 110.

21 Şenocak, Zafer and Tulay, Bülent, “Germany-Home for Turks?” in Şenocak, Zafer, Atlas of a Tropical Germany: Essays on Politics and Culture, 1990–1998, Adelson, Leslie, trans. and ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2000), 6Google Scholar.

22 See Şenocak, Perilous Kinship, 69: “In today's Germany, Jews and Germans no longer face one another alone. Instead, a situation has emerged which corresponds to my personal origin and situation. In Germany now, a trialogue is developing among Germans, Jews, and Turks, among Christians, Jews, and Moslems. The undoing of the German-Jewish dichotomy might rescue both parties, Germans and Jews, from their traumatic experiences. But for this to happen they would have to admit the Turks into their sphere. And for their part, the Turks in Germany would have to discover the existence of the Jews not just as part of the German past, in which they cannot share, but as part of the present in which they live. Without the Jews the Turks stand in a dichotomous relation to the Germans. They tread in the footprints of the German Jews of the past” (my emphasis). Adelson notes how Sascha instructs readers to view such “fantasies” of Turkish-German rapprochement as “highly suspect” because the novel undermines such representational claims. Adelson, The Turkish Turn, 121–22.

23 Georgi argues that because most ancestors of non-ethnic Germans in Germany today were neither victims, witnesses, supporters, or perpetrators of violence during the Nazi era, the Holocaust is “borrowed memory” for youth of migrant background. Georgi, Entliehene Erinnerung, 9–10.

24 Behar, Isaak, “Versprich mir, dass du am Leben bleibst:” Ein jüdische Schicksal, 2d ed. (Munich: List, 2009), 2122Google Scholar.

25 Ibid., 27.

26 Ibid., 58–59.

27 Landesarchiv Berlin B Rep. 042, Nr. 26815/2 “türkische Handelskammer für Deutschland in Berlin e.V.,” Application for Registration, 27 Dec. 1927.

28 Ellie Cappon served as treasurer from 1927 to 1932. He was succeeded in that office by Nissim Zacouto, from 1933 to 1935. See Landesarchiv Berlin B Rep. 042, Nr. 26815/2 “türkische Handelskammer für Deutschland in Berlin e.V.,” report of annual meetings from 1927 to 1935.

29 For the difficulties Turkish Jews faced during the first two decades of the early Turkish Republic, the best work is Bali, Rıfat, Türkiye Cumhuriyetinde Yahudiler: Bir Türkleştirme Serüveni, 1923–1945 (Jews in the Turkish Republic: An Adventure in Turkification) (Istanbul: İletişim, 1999)Google Scholar. On anti-Semitism in the press during these years, see Mallet, Laurent, “Karikatür dergisinde yahudilerle ilgili karikatürler, 1936–1948” (Caricatures of Jews in caricature journals), Toplumsal Tarih 34 (Oct. 1996): 1936Google Scholar; Bayraktar, Hatice, Salamon und Rabeka: Judenstereotype in Karikaturen der türkischen Zeitschriften “Akbaba,” “Karikatür” und “Milli Inkilap,” 1933–1945 (Berlin: Klaus Schwarz, 2006)Google Scholar; and idem, Stereotypes of Jews in Turkish Caricatures, 1933–1945,” in Liepach, Martin et al., eds, Jewish Images in the Media (Vienna: Austrian Academy of Sciences, 2007): 85104Google Scholar.

30 Bayraktar, Hatice, “The Anti-Jewish Pogrom in Eastern Thrace in 1934: New Evidence for the Responsibility of the Turkish Government,” Patterns of Prejudice 40, 2 (2006): 95111, here 104–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

31 Ibid.

32 Landesarchiv Berlin B Rep. 042, Nr. 26815/2 “türkische Handelskammer für Deutschland in Berlin e.V.,” report of annual meeting of 18 Mar. 1936.

33 10 Yıl Jahre Almanya da Türk Ticaret Odası/Türkische Handelskammer für Deutschland (Berlin 1938), 23.

34 Behar, “Versprich mir,” 59.

35 Ibid., 68–70.

36 Ibid., 70.

37 Ibid., 71.

38 Ibid., 72.

39 Ibid., 268.

40 Guttstadt, “Sepharden an der Spree,” 223.

41 Behar, “Versprich mir,” 73–74.

42 See ibid., 79–91.

43 Ibid., 81.

44 Ibid., 224–25.

45 See especially Gerede, Hüsrev, Harb içinde Almanya (1939–1942) (Germany at war), yayına hazırlayanlar Hulûsi Turgut ve Sırrı Yüksel Cebeci (Istanbul: ABC Ajansı, 1994), 399400Google Scholar. Gerede penned his memoir between 1960 and 1962, and it was serialized in Günaydın newspaper in 1989. It did not appear in book form until 1994. Its cover features a white swastika on a background of numerous interlocking black swastikas.

46 Türkiye Cumhuriyet Dışişleri Bakanlığı Arşivleri, İkinci Dünya Harbinde Yahudiler Fonları, K.9, D.1: T. C. Berlin Büyükelçiliğinden Dışişleri Bakanlığına rapor, “Zata mahsus,” 3 Dec. 1941, no. 1557/671. The document was published in a 750-page book subtitled “Turkey's struggle against European racists” written by a former Turkish ambassador who was allowed access to the otherwise inaccessible Turkish Foreign Ministry archives in order to document the Turkish state's role in saving Jews during the Shoah. Șimşir, Bilâl N., Türk Yahudiler II: Avrupa ırkçılarına karşı Türkiye'nin mücadelesi (Turkish Jews II: Turkey's struggle against European racists) (Ankara: Bilgi, 2010), 293–94Google Scholar.

47 Auswärtiges Amt-Politisches Archiv, R 100889, Vortragsnotiz zu Inland II 1947g, 12 July 1943.

48 Ibid., 231, note 24.

49 Guttstadt, “Sepharden an der Spree,” 226–27.

50 The complete official travel itinerary recorded by the Nazis is translated into Turkish in Bali, Rıfat, “Sachsenhausen Temerküz Kampı’nın Türk Ziyaretçileri” (Turkish visitors to Sachsenhausen concentration camp), Toplumsal Tarih 151 (July 2006): 43Google Scholar. The top army generals traveled to Europe that summer, meeting with Hitler in Berlin and touring the western and eastern fronts. See Bali, Rıfat, “Hitler ile Görüşme: Ordu Komutanı Orgeneral Cemil Cahit Toydemir'in Almanya Gezisi” (Meeting with Hitler: Army Chief of Staff General Cahit Toydemir's visit to Germany), Toplumsal Tarih 165 (Sept. 2007): 3842Google Scholar.

51 On the Wannsee Conference, protocols of the meeting, and other documentation on the genocide of European Jewry, see

53 Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp, 1936–1945: Events and Developments, Morsch, Günter and Ley, Astrid, eds., Schriftenreihe der Stiftung Brandenburgische Gedenkstätten Band 24 (Berlin: Metropol, 2011), 79, 182Google Scholar.

54 These are the words of the Dutch camp survivor Ab Nikolaas. Quoted in Sachsenhausen Concentration Camp, 1936–1945, 12.

55 The Nazis had drawn up plans for murdering the Jews of Arab lands―on the lines of the Mobile Killing Units (Einsatzgruppen) deployed in the USSR―in the wake of the defeat of the British and French in the Middle East and North Africa. Nazi occupation forces murdered Jews in Tunisia, but were largely unable to carry out massacres elsewhere. See Wien, Peter, “Coming to Terms with the Past: German Academia and Historical Relations between the Arab Lands and Nazi Germany,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 42 (May 2010): 311–21, here 312–13CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 The Istanbul Chief of Police (Nov. 1942–Sept. 1943) was Nihat Halûk Pepeyi and the police official in charge of the office of foreigners and minorities was Salahattin Korkud. The two traveled to Germany in January and February of 1943, ostensibly to bring back to Turkey the remains of Talat Pasha, assassinated by Armenians in Berlin in 1921 in retaliation for his role in the Armenian genocide. See Bali, Rıfat, “Talat Paşa'nın Kemiklerini Mi? Nazi Fırınları Mı?” (Talat Pasha's bones or Nazi ovens?) Toplumsal Tarih 150 (June 2006): 4247Google Scholar; and idem, Sachsenhausen Temerküz Kampı’nın Türk Ziyaretçileri,” Toplumsal Tarih 151 (July 2006): 3843Google Scholar.

57 For a history of this group, see Baer, Marc David, The Dönme: Jewish Converts, Muslim Revolutionaries, and Secular Turks (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010)Google Scholar.

58 Tör, Vedat Nedim, Yıllar Böyle Geçti (Years went by like that), 2d ed. (Istanbul: Yapı Kredi, 2010 [1976]), 1113Google Scholar; Mete Tunçay, Türkiye'de Sol Akımlar (1908–1925) (The left movement in Turkey), vol. 1 (Istanbul: İletişim, 2009 [1967]), 785–89. On the history of Turkish communism from 1920–1926, see also Çetinkaya, Y. Doğan and Doğan, M. Görkem, “TKP'nin Sosyalizmi (1920–1990),” Modern Türkiye'de Siyasi Düşünce, vol. 8, Sol, Gültekingil, Murat, ed., 2d ed. (Istanbul: İletişim, 2008), 275302Google Scholar.

59 Results of the election to the board, 17 Mar. 1930, Landesarchiv Berlin B Rep. 042, Nr. 26602, “Türkischer Club e.V.”

60 Landesarchiv Berlin B Rep. 042, Nr. 26815/2 “türkische Handelskammer für Deutschland in Berlin e.V.,” reports of annual meetings and elections to the board from 1927 to 1942.

61 On the life of Hamid Hugo Marcus, see Die Lahore-Ahmadiyya-Bewegung in Europa:—Geschichte, Gegenwart und Zukunft der als “Lahore-Ahmadiyya-Bewegung zur Verbreitung islamischen Wissens” bekannten internationalen islamischen Gemeinschaft, Zusammengestellt und bearbeitet von Manfred Backhausen (Wembley, UK: Ahmadiyya Anjuman Lahore Publications, 2008), 110–19Google Scholar.

62 See Motadel, David, “Islamische Bürgerlichkeit-Das soziokulturelle milieu der muslimischen Minderheit in Berlin, 1918–1939,” in Brunner, José und Lavi, Shai, eds., Juden und Muslime in Deutschland: Recht, Religion, Identität, Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für deutsche Geschichte 37 (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2009), 103–21Google Scholar.

63 The burned synagogue remained a towering ruin until the late 1950s when it was torn down and only the original arch above the doorway was incorporated into the Jewish Community Center inaugurated on the site in 1959. See Slevogt, Esther, “Aufgebaut werden durch dich die Trümmer der Vergangenheit”: Das jüdische Gemeindehaus in der Fasanenstrasse, Jüdische Miniaturen: Spektrum jüdischen Lebens, Band 88, Stiftung Neue Synagoge Berlin Centrum Judaicum (Berlin: Hentrich & Hentrich, 2009)Google Scholar.

64 As Nazi troops occupied France, Poland, Russia, and the Crimea, the SS and Gestapo sought instruction on whether to persecute the roughly ten thousand “non-Jewish people of Jewish belief” they discovered. Officials at the Reich Office of Genealogy (Reichssippenamt) of the Interior Ministry, responsible for determining the “Aryanness” of peoples, sought scholarly opinion, not always respected, on the racial origin of the Karaites, Mountain Jews of the Caucasus, and Krimchak Jews of the Crimea. Their opinions could be crucial, since Jews considered Turkic in origin, and not Semitic, and who had not intermarried with Jews, were usually spared the misery of the Shoah. The Karaites were generally considered to share only beliefs in common with Jews, and were spared, for example, by the SS in the Crimea, whereas the Krimchaks were murdered. According to a 1942 letter from the Semiticist Dr. Holz, he and another Semiticist, Dr. Kuhn, had discussed the origin of the Karaites in Stuttgart in the summer of 1942. Dr. Kuhn argued that it is most likely that the Karaites were people of Turko-Tatar descent who were converted by Jewish missionaries, did not intermarry with Jews, and therefore had very little “Jewish blood” and were not Jews. He pointed to the similarity of the Mountain Jews of the Caucasus, a Caucasian people that had converted to Judaism, and the Crimean Jews known as Krimchaks, a Turkestani people that had become Jewish. None of the three, Karaite, Mountain Jews, nor Krimchaks, he argued, were Jewish by race. He added that at present East European Jews falsely presented themselves as non-Jewish, reasoning that they were descendants of the Turko-Tatar Khazars who converted to Judaism in the ninth century. According to Dr. Kuhn, however, the Khazars themselves so intermarried with Jews, and had such a high proportion of Jewish blood, that one could not distinguish in his day between the descendants of the Khazars and the East European Jews. Bundesarchiv Berlin, Lichterfelde, Reichssippenamt R39/152, “Karaim.”

65 Turkey signed a friendship treaty with Britain and France on 19 October 1939, and a friendship treaty with Germany on 18 June 1941. By summer 1941, Turkey had become “a neutral buffer state encircled by the Near and Middle East secondary theater of war, which kept the opposing armed forces apart.” Roth, Karl Heinz, “Berlin-Ankara-Baghdad: Franz von Papen and German Near East Policy during the Second World War,” in Schwanitz, Wolfgang, ed., Germany and the Middle East, 1871–1945 (Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert: 2004), 183, 186Google Scholar.

66 See Baer, The Dönme, 155–83.

67 Ibid., 223–35.

68 Motadel, “Islamische Bürgerlichkeit,” 113.

69 All quotes come from documents contained in the following file: Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amts, Inland II A/B 70/4 Akten, betreffend: Judenfrage in der Türkei vom 1941–1944, Bd. 2, R 99447 (hereafter: Judenfrage in der Türkei). Most of these documents are translated, although with mistakes, in Bali, Rıfat, “The Nazi Perceptions of the Dönme,” in A Scapegoat for All Seasons: The Dönmes or Crypto-Jews of Turkey (Istanbul: The Isis Press, 2008), 213–22Google Scholar. For more on von Papen (1879–1969), the former Chancellor (1932), Vice-Chancellor (1933–1934), and Ambassador to Austria (1934–1938), see Müller, Franz, Ein “Rechtskatholik” zwischen Kreuz und Hakenkreuz: Franz von Papen als Sonderbevollmächtiger Hitlers in Wien 1934–1938 (Berlin: Peter Lang, 1990)Google Scholar; Fest, Joachim, The Face of the Third Reich: Portraits of the Nazi Leadership, Bullock, Michael, trans. (New York: DaCapo Press, 1999), 151–62Google Scholar; Graml, Hermann, Zwischen Stresemann und Hitler: die Aussenpolitik der Prasidialkabinette Bruning, Papen und Schleicher (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thoms, Marianne, Vom Herrenreiter zum Steigbügelhalter Franz von Papen (Karlsruhe: Universitätsbibliothek, 2004)Google Scholar; Roth, Karl Heinz, “Berlin-Ankara-Baghdad: Franz von Papen and German Near East Policy during the Second World War,” in Schwanitz, Wolfgang, ed., Germany and the Middle East, 1871–1945 (Frankfurt am Main: Vervuert: 2004), 181214Google Scholar.

70 Karl Heinz Roth, “Berlin-Ankara-Baghdad,” 187.

71 Judenfrage in der Türkei; Quoted in Bali, Scapegoat, 216.

72 Ibid.

73 Ibid., 218.

74 Ibid., 219.

75 Ibid.

76 Ibid., 220.

77 Von Thadden died in a traffic accident in 1964. See Benz, Wolfgang, “Thadden, Eberhard von (1909–1964),” in Lexikon des Holocaust (Munich: C. H. Beck, 2002)Google Scholar; Döscher, Hans-Jürgen, SS und Auswärtiges Amt im Dritten Reich: Diplomatie im Schatten der “Endlösung” (Berlin: Ullstein, 1991)Google Scholar; and Weitkamp, Sebastian, Braune Diplomaten: Horst Wagner und Eberhard von Thadden als Funktionäre der “Endlösung” (Bonn: Dietz, 2008)Google Scholar.

78 Judenfrage in der Türkei notes dated 29 Oct. 1943, and 19 Nov. 1943, quoted in Bali, Scapegoat, 220 and 221, respectively.

79 Judenfrage in der Türkei note dated 21 Jan. 1944, quoted in Bali, Scapegoat, 221.

80 Landesarchiv Berlin, A Rep. 342–02, Nr. 28197, “Orak,” doc. 6. Fazli Taylan registered his business with the Charlottenburg District Court on 2 June 1948. Documents 9 and 10 in the same dossier were signed by Fazli Taylan on 12 Mar. 1948, and 9 Feb. 1946, respectively. He passed away 22 May 1976. See his death announcement in Milliyet, 28 May 1976: 7.

81 Orak-Çekiç was also the name of a Communist weekly established in Turkey in 1925. See Tunçay, Türkiye'de Sol Akımlar 1: 765–67; Y. Doğan Çetinkaya and M. Görkem Doğan, “TKP'nin Sosyalizmi,” 299. The Association of Turkish Students moved to 197/8 in 1934, the Turkish Club and Chamber of Commerce as of 1935.

82 Landesarchiv Berlin, A Rep. 342–02, Nr. 28197, “Orak,” doc. 3.

83 Ibid., doc. 6.

84 See the Linke-Hofmann ad in 10 Yıl Jahre Almanya da Türk Ticaret Odası/Türkische Handelskammer für Deutschland, Çıkaran Almanya da Türk Ticaret Odası, Berlin/Herausgegeben von der Türkischen Handelskammer für Deutschland zu Berlin (Berlin: Buchdruckerei Adolf Uebe, 1938), 259.

85 For Krupp and Henschel advertisements, see ibid., 250 and 253, respectively.

86 This claim has been made in Güleryüz, Naim, The History of the Turkish Jews (Istanbul: n.p., 1992)Google Scholar; Shaw, Stanford, Turkey and the Holocaust: Turkey's Role in Rescuing Turkish and European Jewry from Nazi Persecution, 1933–1945 (New York: New York University Press, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Reisman, Arnold, Turkey's Modernization: Refugees from Nazism and Ataturk's Vision (New York: New Academia Publishing, 2006)Google Scholar; idem, Shoah: Turkey, the US, and the UK (New York: BookSurge Publishing, 2009)Google Scholar; and idem, An Ambassador and a Mensch: The Story of a Turkish Diplomat in Vichy France (New York: CreatSpace, 2010)Google Scholar.

87 Konuk, Kader, East West Mimesis: Auerbach in Turkey (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010), 49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

88 Ibid., 81–101. İzzet Bahar also finds that Turkey's actions regarding these ninety-five German-Jewish academics were motivated by state interest in improving its educational system rather than humanitarianism, or an intention to help Jews. Bahar, İzzet, “German or Jewish, Humanity or Raison d'Etat: The German Scholars in Turkey, 1933–1952,” Shofar 29, 1 (2010): 4872CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

89 Guttstadt, Die Türkei, 365; Konuk, East West Mimesis, 98.

90 Of Turkish Jews in France, eighty were saved by Turkish diplomats, five hundred were repatriated to Turkey, and two thousand were sent to Auschwitz. Guttstadt, Die Türkei, 402–7. Most Turkish Jews of France who survived the Holocaust did so with the help of Turkish authorities. This demonstrates that they had the ability to save them when it was desired in Turkey. But most of the time they did not act, and the Jews, whether of Turkish or French citizenship or stateless, were deported, never to return. There is no evidence for the supposed heroic action of the “Turkish Schindler” of Marseille. Ibid., 375–76. No Jewish eyewitnesses or Turkish documents corroborate Necdet Kent's account of his supposedly saving trainloads of Jews. The Consul on Rhodes saved forty-two Jews, but 1,820 were sent to Auschwitz. Ibid., 465–66.

91 Șimşir, Türk Yahudiler II, 12–13.

92 Guttstadt, “Sepharden an der Spree,” 229.

93 Guttstadt, Die Türkei, 312–13.

94 See Grossmann, Atina, Jews, Germans, and Allies: Close Encounters in Occupied Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007), 88129Google Scholar.

95 Ibid., 106.

96 Behar, “Versprich mir,” 211. Behar passed away in Berlin at the age of eighty-seven, on 22 April 2011. Detlef David Kauschke, “Isaak Behar ist tot: Nachruf auf den Gemeindeältesten,” jüdische Allgemeine, 27 Apr. 2011. See

97 Atina Grossmann, “From Victims to ‘Homeless Foreigners’: Jewish Survivors in Postwar Germany,” in Rita Chin et al., eds., After the Nazi Racial State: Difference and Democracy in Germany and Europe, 55–79.

98 Brink-Danan, Marcy, Jewish Life in 21st-Century Turkey (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012), 6382Google Scholar.

99 Ibid., 63–82; Konuk, East West Mimesis, 81–101.

100 Brink-Danan, Jewish Life, 36. For an analysis of the tension between participation in the public hagiographic discourse promoting Turkey as a land of tolerance and how Turkish Jews perceive their history and lives in private, see ibid., 33–62, and Baer, Marc David, “Turkish Jews Rethink ‘500 Years of Brotherhood and Friendship,’Turkish Studies Association Bulletin 24, 2 (2000): 6373Google Scholar.

101 Naim Güleryüz, Foreword, “History of the Turkish Jews,”, official website of The Quincentennial Foundation.

102 Brink-Danan, Jewish Life, 35–55.

103 Interfilm Istanbul, 2011. “Mutlulukla biten tek soykırım filmi: Türk Pasaportu,” 1 Aug. 2011, euronewstr. The film narrates how Turkish ambassadors in France saved Jews, assumed to be French citizens, by granting them Turkish citizenship, providing Turkish passports, and sending them by train to Turkey. Since all the Jews in the film speak French, the viewer would never imagine that the Jews were already Turks.

104 Recently some in its intellectual class have come to terms with the tragic fate of the Armenians. See Suny, Ron Grigor and Göçek, Fatma Müge, “Introduction: Leaving It to the Historians,” in Suny, Ron Grigor, Göçek, Fatma Müge, and Naimark, Norman, eds., A Question of Genocide: Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman Empire, (New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 314CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fatma Müge Göçek, “Reading Genocide: Turkish Historiography on 1915,” in ibid., 42–54; and Akçam, Taner, A Shameful Act: The Armenian Genocide and the Question of Turkish Responsibility (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2006)Google Scholar. On debating Ottoman tolerance, see Baer, Marc, Makdisi, Ussama, and Shryock, Andrew, “Tolerance and Conversion in the Ottoman Empire: A Conversation,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 51, 4 (Oct. 2009): 927–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

105 Georgi, Entliehene Erinnerung, 10; Chin and Fehrenbach, “Introduction: What's Race Got to Do With It?,” 22–23; Margalit, “On Being Other,” 211; Partridge, Damani, “Holocaust Mahnmal (Memorial): Monumental Memory amidst Contemporary Race,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, 4 (2010): 821–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

106 Diner, Dan, “Nation, Migration, and Memory: On Historical Concepts of Citizenship,” Constellations 4, 3 (1998): 293306CrossRefGoogle Scholar, here 303, quoted and discussed in Rothberg, Michael and Yildiz, Yasemin, “Memory Citizenship: Migrant Archives of Holocaust Remembrance in Contemporary Germany,” Parallax 17, 4 (2011): 3536CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See further examples of this sentiment in Rita Chin and Heide Fehrenbach, “German Democracy and the Question of Difference, 1945–1995,” in Rita Chin et al., eds., After the Nazi Racial State: Difference and Democracy in Germany and Europe, 120.

107 Margalit, “On Being Other,” 213.

108 Until 2000, “guest” workers and their descendants had no rights to citizenship, for they could not claim German ethnicity. Rita Chin, “Guest Worker Migration and the Unexpected Return of Race,” in Rita Chin et al., eds., After the Nazi Racial State: Difference and Democracy in Germany and Europe, 82.

109 Chin and Fehrenbach, “Introduction: What's Race Got to Do With It?,” 22–23; Partridge, “Holocaust Mahnmal (Memorial),” 833–38.

110 Esra Özyürek, “Making Germans out of Muslims: Holocaust Education and Anti-Semitism Prevention Trainings for Immigrants,” Presentation, Center for Research on Anti-Semitism, Technical University Berlin, 1 Nov. 2010. German Turkish youth are closely monitored during commemoration activities. Unacceptable responses to the horror—not crying while visiting a concentration camp, not being able to bear watching a Holocaust film—are seen as proof they are incapable of mourning the victims of Nazism, which confirms German Turks' foreignness and exclusion from the German “community of memory.” See also Georgi, Entliehene Erinnerung, 152–53, 271–72.

111 Leslie Adelson's concept of “touch,” in The Turkish Turn in Contemporary German Literature, is discussed in Partridge, “Holocaust Mahnmal (Memorial),” 838–41. For an example of an intercultural Holocaust curriculum that includes other episodes of genocide and ethnic cleansing and is grounded in a pedagogy of human rights, see Georgi, Entliehene Erinnerung, 315–22.

112 Rothberg, Michael, Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2009), 17, 18–20Google Scholar.

113 Rothberg and Yildiz, “Memory Citizenship,” 33.

114 Şenocak and Tulay, “Germany-Home for Turks?,” 2.