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On the Colonization of Amerindian Languages and Memories: Renaissance Theories of Writing and the Discontinuity of the Classical Tradition

  • Walter D. Mignolo (a1)
Extract

When George Balandier proposed his theoretical approach to a colonial situation, the colonization of language was not an issue that piqued the interest of scholars in history, sociology, economics, or anthropology, which were the primary disciplines targeted in his article. When some fifteen years later Michel Foucault underlined the social and historical significance of language (‘l'énoncé*’) and discursive formation, the colonization of language was still not an issue to those attentive to the archaeology of knowledge. Such an archaeology, founded on the paradigmatic example generally understood as the Western tradition, overlooked the case history in which an archaeology of discursive formation would have led to the very root of the massive colonization of language which began in the sixteenth century with the expansion of the Spanish and Portuguese empires.

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1 Balandier, GeorgeLa situation coloniale. Approche théorique,” Cahiers internationaux de sociologie, xi (1951), 4479;Stocking, George W. Jr., ed., Colonial Situations. Essays on the Contextualization of Ethnographic Knowledge (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), especially Talal Asad's article, “From the History of Colonial Anthropology to the Anthropology of Western Hegemony” (pp. 314–24), from which I could have benefitted had I not read that book and that article after already finishing this article; Foucault, Michel, L'archéologie du savoir (Paris: Gallimard, 1969);Said, Edward, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1978);O'Gorman, Edmundo, The Invention of America. An Inquiry into the Historical Nature of the New World and the Meaning of Its History (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1961);Mudimbe, Y.E., The Invention of Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988). A thesis similar to the one advanced by O'Gorman has been recently proposed in Mexico by Zea, Leopoldo, Discurso desde la marginación y la barbarie (Barcelona: Anthropos, 1988); and in Egypt by Amin, Samir, Eurocentrism (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1989).

2 Wallerstein, Immanuel, The Modern World-System. Capitalist Economy in the Sixteenth Century, 1:346–58 (New York: Academe Press, 1974).

3 Harris, Roy, The Origin of Writing (LaSalle, I11.: Open Court, 1986);Eisenstein, Elizabeth, The Printing Press as an Agent of Change. Communication and Cultural Transformation in Early-Modern Europe (New York: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1979);Clair, Colin, A History of European Printing (New York, 1976);Mignolo, Walter D., “Literacy and Colonization: The New World Experience,” Hispanic Issues, 4 (1989), 5196; and Nebrija in the New World; The Discontinuity of the Classical Tradition and the Colonization of Native Languages,” L'Homme (a special issue devoted to La re-decouverte de l'Amerique), in Révue Française d'Anthropologie, no. 122–24 (avril-décembre 1992), xxxii, 187209.

4 Finnegan, Ruth, Literacy and Orality. Studies in the Technology of Communication (London: Blackwell, 1988);Street, Brian V., Literacy in Theory and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984) and “Literacy and Social Change: The Significance of Social Context in the Development of Literacy Programs,” in Wagner, D., ed., The Future of Literacy in a Changing World, 1:48–64 (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1987).

5 Winter, Sylvia, “Ethno or Socio Poetics,” AlcheringalEthnopoetics: A First International Symposium, Benamou, M. and Rothemberg, J., eds., 7894 (Boston, 1976);Ryan, Michael T., “Assimilating New Worlds in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 23:4 (1981), 519–38;Fabian, Johannes, Time and the Other, How Anthropology Makes its Object, 105–43 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1983);Pagden, Anthony, The Fall of Natural Man. The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982).

6 Ruth Finnegan, Literacy and Orality, 139–74; Mignolo, Walter D., “(Re)modeling the Letter: Literacy and Literature between Semiotics and Literary Studies,” Anderson, M. and Merrell, F., eds., On Semiotic Modelling, 357–95 (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1991).

7 Weinberg, Bernard, History of Literary Criticism in the Italian Renaissance (Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1961);García Berrio, Antonio, Formación de la teoría literaria moderna, Renacimiento Europeo (Madrid: Planeta, 1977).

8 For the meaning and semantic changes of the word litteratuslletrado, from the Middle Ages through the Renaissance, see Clanchy, Michael T., From Memory to Written Record. England 1066–1307 (London, 1979);Gurevich, Aron, “Popular Culture and Medieval Latin Literature from Caesarius of Aries to Caesaius of Heisterbach,” in his Medieval Popular Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988);Gil Fernández, Luis, Panorama Social del Humanismo Español (1500–1800) (Madrid: Alambra, 1981).

9 Calame-Griaule, Geneviève, Ethnologie et language. La parole chez les Dogon, 104–85 (Paris: Gallimard, 1965);Gossen, Gary, “Chamula Genres of Verbal Behavior,” Journal of American Folklore, 84 (1971), 147–67;Firth, Raymond, “Speech-Making and Authority in Tikopia,” in Political Language and Oratory in Traditional Society, Bloch, M., ed., 2944London: Academe Press, 1975);Mignolo, Walter D., “Qué clases the textos son géneros? Fundamentos de tipología textual,” Acta Poética, 45 (19821983), 2551.

10 The politics of language in México has been studied by Brice-Heat, Shirley, La político del lenguaje en México: de la colonia a la nación (México: Secreteria de Educacione Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1972) and by Aguirre Beltrán, Gonzalo, Lenguas vernáculas. Su uso y desuso en la enseñanza: la experiencia de México (México: La Casa Chata, 1983). Ascensión León-Portilla has traced the history of the grammars of the Náhuatl language written in México: Tepuztlahcuilolli. Impresos en Náhuatl. Historia y bibliografía (México: Universidad Nacional de México, 1988).

11 Grammatica o Arte de la lengua general de los Indios de los reynos del Perú (Quito: Instituto Historico Dominicano, 1947).

12 de Molina, Alonso, Arte de la lengua Mexicana y Castellana (México: En Casa di Antonio de Espinosa, 1571);Carochi, Horacio, Arte de la lengua mexicana con la declaración de los adverbios della (México: Ivan Ruyz, 1640).

13 Carochi, Arte de la leugua mexicana, ch. 1. Readers not acquainted with the history of writing and with Amerindian writing systems would profit from consulting Senner, W., ed., The Origins of Writing (Lincoln, Neb.: Nebraska University Press, 1989). See particularly, Rex Wallace, “The Origins and Development of the Latin Alphabet,” 121–36, and Floyd G. Laounsbury “The Ancient Writing of Middle America,” 203–38. For the Peruvian quipu as a writing system, see Ascher, M. and Ascher, R., Code of the Quipu. A Study in Media, Mathematics, and Culture (Ann Arbor, MI: Michigan University Press, 1981).

14 Acosta, José de.Historia natural y moral de las Indias (1590), vol. vi, ch. 20 (México: Fondo de Culture Economica, 1962).

15 The processes of transformation and ultimate obliteration of Amerindian writing systems have been studied by Scharlau, Birgit and Munzel, Mark, Qellqay. Mundlliche Kultur und Schrifttradition bei Indianern Lateinamerikas, 97155, 171220 (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 1986); and by Gruzinski, Serge, La colonisation de I'imaginaire. Societés indigenes et occidentalisation dans le Mexique espagnol, XVIe–XVIIIe siècle (Paris: Gallimard, 1988).

16 , “Prologue,” Gramática de la lengua castellana (Salamanca, 1492; rpt., London: Oxford University Press, 1926).

17 Ascensio, Eugenio, “La lengua del imperio: historia de una idea de Nebrija en España y Portugal,” Revista de Filología Española, 43 (1960), 399413;Rico, Francisco, Nebrija contra los bárbaros. El cánon de gramáticos nefastos en las polémicas del humanismo (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1978);García de la Concha, Victor, ed., Nebrija y la introducción del renacimiento en España (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1981).

18 Nebrija, “Prologue,” Gramática de la lengua castellana.

19 Valla, Lorenzo, “In sex libros Elegantiarum preafatio,” Prosatori Latini del Quattrocento. cura di E. Garin (Milano: Mondatori, 1952);Besomi e Mariagneli Regoliosi, Ottavio, Lorenzo Valla e I'umanesimo italiano. Atti del convegno iternationali studi umanistici (Padova: Editrici Antenore, 1986).Gaeta, Franco, Lorenzo Valla: filologia e storia nell' umanesimo italiano Napoli: Nelle sede del Instituto, 1955).

20 Vives, Luis, De tradendis disciplines (1533?), vol. 4:299300 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1913).

21 De civitate Dei, Book XVI, ch. 11, in Augustine, Saint, The City of God, Mathews Sanford, Eva, trans. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press).

22 See for instance Vázquez de Espinosa's narrative (1620), in which he “naturally” harmonized the history of Amerindian languages with the confusion of tongues after Babel and the migration of the ten tribes of Israel to the New World (Compendio y descriptión de las Indias Occidentales, 111:14 [Madrid: Atlas 1969]).

23 For the influence of Nebrija in writing grammars of Tagalog, see Rafael, Vicente, Contracting Colonialism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988).

24 It has been taken for granted among Náhuatl specialists that Nebrija's Castilian grammar was the model followed to write the grammars of Amerindian languages. See, for instance, Frances Karttunen, “Náhuatl Literacy,” in Collier, G.A., Rosaldo, R., and Wirth, J.D., eds., The Inca and Aztec States: 1400–1800, 396 (New York: Academic Press, 1982);León-Portilla, Ascensión, Tepuztlahcuilolli. Impresos en Náhuatl. Historia y bibliografía, 6 (México: UNAM, 1988). The same beliefs have been expressed about the Tagalog language in the Philippines by Rafael, Vicente, in Contracting Colonialism. Translation and Christian Conversion in Tagalog Society under Early Spanish Rule, 2354 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984). I have argued, elsewhere (Mignolo, Walter D., “Nebrija in the New World: The Question of the Letter, the Discontinuity of the Classical Tradition and the Colonization of Native Languages,” L'Homme, no. 122–24 (avril-décembre 1992), xxxii, 187209), that the Latin rather than the Castilian grammar served as a model. But, more important, the two ideological programs articulated by Nebrija in each grammar should be taken into account when dealing with the colonization of native languages.

25 Mignolo, Walter D., “Cartas, crónicas y relaciones del descubrimiento y de la conquista,” Luis Madrigal, coordinator, Historia de la literatura Hispanoamericana. Epoca Colonial, 57125 (Madrid: CATEDRA, 1982), and El metatexto historiográfico y la historiografí'a indiana,” Modern Language Notes, 96 (1981), 358402.

26 Scharlau, Birgit and Munzel, Mark, Quellqay. Mundliche Kultur und Schrittradition bei Indianern Lateinamerikas (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag 1986);Mignolo, Walter D., “Literacy and Colonization: The New World Experience,” Hispanic Issues, 4 (1989), 5196.

27 Although this statement could be nuanced, there is a long tradition from Juan Ramón Pané (1493) to Fray Juan de Torquemada (1615), via José de Acosta (1590), in which this belief is clearly expressed. See Mignolo, Walter D., “Zur Frage der Schiftlichkeit in der Legitimation der Conquista,” in Der eroberte Kontinent. Historische Realitat, Rechtfertigung und literarische Darstellung der Kolonisation Amerikas, K. Kohut, hrsq., 86102 (Frankfurt: Vervuert Verlag, 1991).

28 Leon-Portilla, Miguel, Toltecáyotl. Aspectos de la cultura náhuatl (México City: UNAM, 1982);Edmonson, M.S. and Andrews, P., eds., Literatures. Supplement Handbook of Middle American Indians, vol. 3 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1955).

29 Bruner, Jerome S., “Going beyond the Information Given,” Beyond the Information Given, 218–39 (New York: N.N. Norton, 1973);Rosch, Eleanor, “Principle of Categorization,” in Rosch, E. and Lloyd, B., eds., Cognition and Categorization, 2849 (New York: Erlbaum Associates, 1978);Bakhtin, M.M., “The Problem of Speech Genres,” in Speech Genres and Other Late Essays, McGee, Vern W., trans., 60102 (Austin: University of Texas, 1986);Mignolo, W.D., “Semiosis, Coherence and Universes of Meaning,” in Conte, M.E., Petofi, J.S., and Sozer, E., eds., Text and Discourse Connectedness, 483505 (Philadelphia: John Benjamin, 1989).

30 Edmonson, Munro S. and Andrews, Patricia, Literatures. Supplement to the Handbook of Middle American Indians, vol. 3 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985);León-Portilla, Miguel, Toltecáyotl. Aspectos de la cultura náhuatl, 72100 (México: UNAM, 1982).

31 Loutfi, Martine, Littérature et colonialisme (Paris: Mouton, 1971);Adas, Michael, “Machines as the Measure of Men,” Science, Technology and Ideologies of Western Dominance, 133198 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989).

32 García Pelayo, Manuel, “Las culturas del libro,” Revista de Occidente, 2425 (1965), 46–69;Skeat, T.C., Early Christian Book-Production: Papyri and Manuscripts, vol. 2 of The Cambridge History of the Bible, Lampe, G.N., ed., 5479 (London: Cambridge University Press, 1969);Pedersen, Johannes, The Arabic Book (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984).

33 Arzópalo Marín, Ramón, “The Indian Book in Colonial Yucatán,” and Walter D. Mignolo, “Signs and Their Transmission: The Question of the Book in the New World,” in Proceedings of the Conference “The Book in the Americas,” Mathes, M. and Fiering, N., eds. (Virginia University Press, forthcoming).

34 de Landa, Diego, Relación de las cosas de Yucatán (1566), Tozzer, A.M. trans. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1941) and his Diego Valadés, Rethorica Christiana (1579) (Spanish translation. México: UNAM, 1989).

35 Dialogo nel qual si ragiona del modo de accrescere a conservar memoria (Venice: Gabriel Giolito di Ferrari, 1562).

36 For this process of transformation, see Gruzinski, Serge, “Peinture et écriture,” in La colonization de l'imaginaire. Sociètès indigenes et occidentalisation dans le Mexique espagnol, XVIe–XVIIe siècle, 15100 (Paris: Gallimard, 1988).

37 de Mendieta, Fray Gerónimo. Historia Eclesiástica Indiana (1595; rpt., México: UNAM 1971);de Sahagún, Bernardino, Coloquios y Doctrina Christiana (The Coloquios of 1524), León-Portilla, Miguel, ed. and trans. (1565; rpt., México: UNAM, 1986);Klor de Alva, Jorge, trans., “The Aztec-Spanish Dialogues, 1524,” Alcheringa, 4:2 (1980), 5192.

38 European Literature and the Latin Middle Ages, Trask, W.R., trans. (1948; rpt., Princeton, 1973).

39 Biblos was the name used in Greece to designate the inner bark of a reed; Greeks called the reed, pápyros. It has been suggested that by the fifth century B.C. that biblion denoted not books but tabular manuals, notes on a single sheet, with basic indications for delivering an oral speech. See Kennedy, George A., “The Earliest Rhetorical Handbooks,” American Journal of Philology, 80 (1959), 169–78.

40 I am limiting my description of writing to the available knowledge of the time. The etymology of words indicating writing in various languages refers to an imagery related to scratching and, in Latin, to plowing. Latin also has an analogy between text and textile which is apt when looking at the Andean quipu as a kind of writing. Of course, when the materiality of social practices changes, the conceptualization attached to them also changes. Data banks, computers, word processors, and the like are forcing us to review our concepts of library, books, and writing. See, for instance, Mignolo, Walter D., “Signs and Their Transmission: The Question of the Book in the New World,” The Book in The Americas, Fiering, N. and Mathes, M., eds. (Charlottesville: forthcoming);Poster, Mark, “Foucault and Data Bases,” Discourse. Theoretical Studies in Media and Culture, 12:2 (1990), 110–27.

41 See Nebrija, Antonio de, Introductiones latinae (Salamanca, 1481);Gràmdtica de la lengua castellana (Salamanca, 1482);Reglas de orthografía en la lengua castellana (Henares, Alcalà de, 1517);Mignolo, Walter D., “Nebrija in the New World: The Questions of the Letter, the Discontinuity of the Classical Tradition, and the Colonization of the Native Languages,” L'Homme (Paris, 10 1992).

42 There is enough evidence to think that language was always one element upon which communities built a sense of identity by distinguishing themselves from the others who did not speak their language well. In ancient México, as well as in ancient Greece, this was certainly the case. The difference between ancient México and Greece, on the one hand, and the European renaissance, on the other, is that the former put the accent on speech, while the latter on writing.

43 Acosta's letter and Tovar's answer have been reprinted by Joaquín García Icazbalceta, in Don Fray Juan de Zumàrraga, Primer Obispo y Arzobispo de México, vol. 2; 263–7 (México; Andrade and Morales, 1881); the fourth kind of barbarians were defined by Las Casas in the epilogue of his Apologetica Historia Sumaria (1555?; rpt., México: UNAM, 1967).

44 Havelock, Erick, Preface to Plato (Boston: Havelock Press, 1963), and hisThe Literate Revolution in Greece and its Cultural Consequences (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982). Jacques Derrida's grammatological reflections (De la grammatologie [Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1967]), which are difficult to ignore without alarming the erudites in critical theory, did not take into account the tension and conflict between the oral and the written in Plato's philosophy of language or the inversion of Platonic philosophy by the Renaissance philosophy of language.

45 According to Elias, Norbert (The Civilizing Process [1968, in German] (New York: Urizen Books, 1978, in English), “The concept of civilite acquired its meaning for Western society at a time when chivalrous society and the unity of the Catholic church were disintegrating. It is the incarnation of a society which, as a specific stage in the formation of Western manners or ‘civilization,' was no less important than the feudal society before it. The concept of civilite, too, is an expression and symbol of a social formation embracing the most diverse nationalities, in which, as in the Church, a common language is spoken, first Italian and then increasingly French. These languages take over the function earlier performed by Latin. They manifest the unity of Europe and at the same time the new social formation which forms its backbone, court society” (vol. 1, p. 53). The New World experience brought not only speech but also writing into the dividing line between those who were either civilized or barbarian.

46 For the semantic field associated with litteratuslilliteratus in the Middle Ages, see Clanchy, Michael T., From Memory to Written Record. England 1066–1307 (London: Edward Arnold, 1979); in the Spanish renaissance, Fernàndez, Luis Gil, Panorama Social del Humanismo Español (1500–1800) (Madrid: Alamdra, 1981);Gurevich, Aron, “Popular Culture and Medieval Latin Literature from Caesarius of Aries to Caesarius of Heisterbach,” Medieval Popular Culture: Problems of Belief and Perception, 159 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).

47 When discussing the conditions of truthfulness, the sixteenth- and seventeenth-century theoretician of historiography accentuated the need to match the truth of the narrative with the truth of the things (or events) themselves. From the belief that the truth is both in the narrative and in the events, it followed that history was made of both words and events. See Mignolo, W. D., “El metatexto historiografico y la historiografia Indiana,” Modern Language Notes, 94 (1981), 359402, and his “Historia, relaciones y tlatollótl: los Preceptos historiales de Fuentes y Guzman y las Historias de Indias,” Filologia, 11:2 (1986), 153–78. For a theoretical discussion about the conventions of fictionality and truthfulness and their relation with narrative genres and discursive configurations, see Mignolo, W. D., “Dominios borrosos y dominios teóricos: ensayo de elucidación conceptual,” Filologia, XX (1985), 2040.

48 The European concepts of historiographical writing in connection with the history of the Indies were laid out in Mignolo, Walter D., “El metatexto historiogràfico y la historiografía indiana,” Modern Language Notes, 96 (1981), 358402; for Spanish historiography of the period, see Díaz, S. Montero, “La doctrina de la Historia en los tratadistas españoles del siglo de Oro,” Hispania, 4 (1941), 339; in Italy, see Maffei, E.,I trattati dell' arte storica dal Rinascimento al secolo XVII (Napoles, 1897), and Spini, Giorgio, “I trattatisti dell'arte storica nella Contrariforma italiana,” Contributi alia storia del Concilio di trento e della Contrariforma (Florence: Vallechi, 1948).

49 Oviedo, , Historia General y Natural de las Indias (1535), Book I, ch. 1.

50 Vega, De la, Comentarios reales de los Incas (1609), I, XV.

51 Acosta, , Historia natural y moral de las Indias (1590), Book VI.

52 The question, again, is what should be called writing; and, further, whether “writing” in the past and in non-Western cultures should be called that which resembles what Westerners understand by writing, as in the opinion, for instance, of Ong, Walter, Orality and Literacy. The Technologizing of the Word (London, 1982). We could construe a theoretical definition or description of acceptance for writing any kind of graphic system which establish some kind of link with speech (Michalowski, Piotr, “Early Mesopotamian Communicative Systems: Art, Literature, and Writing,” Investigating Artistic Environments in the Ancient Near East, Gunter, Ann C., ed., 5369 (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian, 1990), although such a definition may not tell us much about how people conceived graphic interactions in different times and cultures. The etymology of writing, in several languages, is related to carving. In Greek gràfein meant “to carve.” In Latin scribere indicated a physical action of inscribing graphic marks in solid surfaces and was metaphorically related to plowing. In Mesoamerica, however, the words referring to writing underlined the colors of the inks used and, therefore, the accent was on painting: tlacuilo, in Nàhuatl, referred to the scribe and it meant, literally, “behind the painting” (tla = behind and cuilo = painting). For a description of Mesoamerican writing systems, see Prem, Hans and Riese, Berthold, “Autochthonous American Writing Systems: The Aztec and Maya Examples,” in Coulmas, F. and Ehlich, K., eds., Writing in Focus (New York: Mouton, 1983). We could certainly bring Derrida, J. into the discussion, but it would take us too far to discuss the underlying presupposition of alphabetic writing in his discussion. After all, in his fundamental work on the subject (De la grammalologie [Paris: Editions de Minuit, 1967]), Derrida remained within the confines of the Greco-Roman tradition of alphabetic writing.

53 Quintilian, , Institutione Oratorio, Book II, ch. V, in Quintilian, Institution oratoire, text etabli et traduit par J. Cousin (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1977).

54 Romero, Ignacio Osorio, Colegios y profesores Jesuitas que enseñaron Latin en Nueva España (15211767) (Mexico: UNAM, 1979);Tòpicos sobre Ciceròn en México (México: UNAM, 1976);La enseñanza del Latí a los indios (México: UNAM, 1990).

55 See Aizpurú, Pilar Gonzalbo, Historia de la education en la ùpoca colonial. El mundo indigena (Mexico; El Colegio de México, 1990).Romero, Ignacio Osorio, La enseñanza del latin a los indios (Mexico: UNAM, 1990).

56 There is another dimension of literacy and resistance illustrated by the documentation related to testaments, land litigations, and other forms of legal disputes which would cause a long detour in my argument if integrated into it (see, however, Karttunen, F., “Náhuatl literacy,” Collier, G. A., Rosaldo, R., and Wirth, J. D., eds., The Inca and Aztec States: 1400–1800 (New York: Academic Press, 1982);Anderson, A., Berdan, F., and Lockhart, J., Beyond the Codices. The Nahua View of Colonial Mexico (Berkeley: California University Press, 1976). I am limiting my examples to the philosophy of writing (and therefore to the sphere of high culture) and the frame that it provided for writing grammars of Amerindian languages and histories of Amerindian cultures, rather than to the consequences manifested in particular cases in which Spanish grammarians and historians could have been transformed by intercultural experiences. At the same time, I am limiting my examples of resistance to the sphere of interactions framed by members and representatives of Spanish literate culture. I hope that my argument does not convince the reader that I am celebrating, while I also hope the reader will understand that critical examination of phenomena in high culture is not less relevant than exploring popular ones.

57 See the masterful summary by Florescano, Enrique, “La reconstrucción histórica elaborada por la nobleza indígena y sus descendientes mestizos,” La memoria y el ohido. Segundo Simposio de Historia de las Mentalidades, 1120 (Mexico: Instituto Nacional di Anthropologiae Historio, 1985), and González, Andrés Lira, “Letrados y analfabetas en los pueblos de Indios de la ciudad de México: la historia como alegato para sobrevivir en la sociedad política,” La memoria y el ohido, 6174.

58 European intellectuals and political leaders are becoming aware of the challenge of a multiethnic world to the classical tradition. British prime minister Margaret Thatcher, in her Burgher speech, invoked the common experience rooted in the European classical tradition and celebrated the story of how European explored, colonized, and (without apologies) civilized much of the world, as a venture of talent, skill, and courage (quoted by Alibhai, Yasmin in “Community Whitewash,” The Guardian, 01 23, 1989).Lippard, Lucy R. provides a telling example of the perpetuation of fractured symbolic worlds in colonial situations in her Mixed Blessings. New Art in a Multicultural America (New York: Pantheon, 1990).

59 Icazbalceta, Joaquín García, Nueva colección de documentos para la historia de México. Códice Franciscano. Sigh XVI (México: Porrúa Hnos., 1941), 204.

60 The Franciscans founded the Colegio Santa Cruz de Tlatelolco in 1536 and devoted it to the education of the young and noble Mexica.

61 Garza, Mercedes de la, “Prólogo,” Literatura Maya (Caracas, 1980);Edmonson, Munro S. and Bricker, Victoria, “ Yucatecan Maya Literature,” in Literatures. Supplement to the Handbook of Middle American Indians, 4463 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985).

62 Landa, Diego de, Relación de las cosas de Yucatán (circa 1566);Aguilar, Sanchez de, “Informe contra idolorum cultores del obispado de Yucatán” (1639), Anales 1:6 (1892), 13122;Loyola, Avendaño y, “Relación de las dos entradas que hice a laconversion de los gentiles ytzaes y cehaches” (Chicago, Manuscript at the Newberry Library, 1696);Cogolludo, Diego López, Historia de Yucatán (1688) (Campeche, 1954).

63 Tozzer, Alfred, Maya Grammar with Bibliography and Appraisement of the Works Noted (Cambridge: Peabody Museum, 1921), vol. ix;Roys, Ralph L., The Book of Chilam Balam of Chumayel (Washington: Carnegie Institution, 1933);Garza, Mercedes de la, ed., Literatura Maya (Caracas: Biblioteca Ayacucho, 1980);Tedlock, Dennis, trans., “Introduction” and “Commentary, Popol Vuh. The Definitive Edition of the Mayan Book of the Dawn of Life and the Glories of Gods and Kings, 2366 (New York: Simon and Schuster, Inc., 1985).Chávez, Adrián, trans., Pop Wuj. Libro Del Tiempo. Poema Mito-Historico Ki-che [in Spanish] (Buenos Aires: Ediciones del Sol, 1987).

64The Indian Book in Colonial Yucatan,” The Book in the Americas, Fiering, N. and Mathes, M., eds. (Charlottesville, forthcoming).

65 Menchú, Rigoberta and Debray, Burgos, I Rigoberta Menchö … an Indian Woman from Guatemala, 13 (London: Verso, 1984).

66 Rabasa, José, “Porque soy indio …,” in Loci of Enunciations and Imaginary Constructions: Cultural Studies inlabout Latin America (Special issue of Poetics Today), Mignolo, W. D., ed. (forthcoming).González-Echevarria, Roberto, “The Law of the Letter: Garcilaso's Comentarios and the Origin of Latin American Narrative,” The Yale Journal of Criticism, 1:1 (1987), 107–31;Adorno, Rolena, Guaman Poma. Writing and Resistance in Colonial Perú (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1986).

67 Salomón, Frank, “Chronicles of the Impossible: Notes on Three Peruvian Indigenous Historians,” From Oral to Written Expression: Native Andean Chronicles of the Early Colonial Period, Adorno, R., ed. (Syracuse: Syracuse University Foreign and Comparative Studies, 1982).

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