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The Ottoman Empire and the Imperial Turn

  • Alan Mikhail (a1) and Christine M. Philliou (a2)

As a polity that existed for over six centuries and that ruled on three continents, the Ottoman Empire is perhaps both the easiest and hardest empire to compare in world history. It is somewhat paradoxical then that the Ottoman Empire has only recently become a focus of students of empires as historical phenomena. This approach to the Ottoman Empire as an empire has succeeded in generating an impressive profusion of scholarship. This article critically assesses this literature within the larger context of what we term the Imperial Turn to explain how comparative perspectives have been used to analyze the empire. In doing so, it sheds new light on some older historiographical questions about the dynamics of imperial rule, periodization, and political transformation, while at the same time opening up new avenues of inquiry and analysis about the role of various actors in the empire, the recent emphasis on the empire's early modern history, and the scholarly literature of comparative empires itself. Throughout, the authors speak both to Ottoman specialists and others interested in comparative imperial histories to offer a holistic picture of recent Ottoman historiography and to suggest many possible directions for future scholarship. Instead of accepting comparison for comparison's sake, the article offers a bold new vocabulary for rigorous comparative work on the Ottoman Empire and beyond.

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1 Bayly C. A., The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–1914: Global Connections and Comparisons (Malden: Blackwell, 2004); Ferguson Niall, Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World (New York: Penguin, 2004); Hardt Michael and Negri Antonia, Empire (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000).

2 For a recent critical take on “what not to do if one is serious about understanding empire,” see the following review of both Ferguson's and Hardt and Negri's works: Motyl Alexander J., “Is Everything Empire? Is Empire Everything?Comparative Politics 38 (2006): 229–49. The quote is from page 246.

3 For a more in-depth historical discussion of this change in the uses and understandings of empire, see Lieven Dominic's chapter “Empire: A Word and Its Meanings,” in Empire: The Russian Empire and Its Rivals (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001), 326.

4 For the most recent work on the role of empires in world history since antiquity, see Burbank Jane and Cooper Frederick, Empires in World History: Power and the Politics of Difference (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010). In this regard, see also Darwin John, After Tamerlane: The Global History of Empire Since 1405 (New York: Bloomsbury Press, 2008).

5 On the importance of Rome and China for the more general study of empire, see Burbank and Cooper, Empires in World History, 23–59; Lieven, Empire, 27–86.

6 Gibbon Edward, The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, 8 vols. (London: John Murray, 1903–1914). For an analysis of various uses and understandings of the notion of “civilization” in different imperial settings, see Pomeranz Kenneth, “Empire & ‘Civilizing’ Missions, Past & Present,” Daedalus 134 (2005): 3445.

7 One might read another recent book by Niall Ferguson as expressing a justifying ethos similar to that of Gibbon about how the “civilization” of “the west” can nevertheless still hold out in the face of perceived political and economic challenges from “the rest”: Civilization: The West and the Rest (New York: Penguin Books, 2011).

8 By the twenty-first century even the Mongols have been rehabilitated. See Kotkin Stephen, “Mongol Commonwealth? Exchange and Governance across the Post-Mongol Space,” Kritika 8 (2007): 487531.

9 For the elaboration of a normative typology of empire, see Ferguson Niall, “The Unconscious Colossus: Limits of (& Alternatives to) American Empire,” Daedalus 134 (2005): 1833.

10 Lieven, Empire.

11 Abou-El-Haj Rifa‘at ‘Ali, Formation of the Modern State: The Ottoman Empire, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1991).

12 For a comparable analysis of the Imperial Turn in Russian history, see David-Fox Michael, Holquist Peter, and Martin Alexander M., “The Imperial Turn,” Kritika 7 (2006): 705–12. See also Gerasimov Ilya, Kusber Jan, and Semyonov Alexander, eds., Empire Speaks Out: Languages of Rationalization and Self-Description in the Russian Empire (Leiden: Brill, 2009). Although we are largely sympathetic to Antoinette Burton's project, ours, as we have been explaining so far, is a very different understanding of the “imperial turn” than the one she offers in her critique of scholarship on the nation. She writes, “We take ‘the imperial turn’ to mean the accelerated attention to the impact of histories of imperialism on metropolitan societies in the wake of decolonization, pre- and post-1968 racial struggle and feminism in the last quarter century.” In: “Introduction: On the Inadequacy and the Indispensability of the Nation,” in Burton A., ed., After the Imperial Turn: Thinking with and Through the Nation (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003), 2.

13 The classical accounts of Ottoman decline are: Lewis Bernard, The Emergence of Modern Turkey (London: Oxford University Press, 1962); and idem., Some Reflections on the Decline of the Ottoman Empire,” Studia Islamica 9 (1958): 111–27. For some of the many critiques, see Genç Mehmed, “Osmanlı Maliyesinde Malikane Sistemi,” in Okyar Osman, ed., Türkiye İktisat Tarihi Semineri Metinler/Tarışmalar (Ankara: Hacettepe Üniversitesi Yayınları, 1975), 231–96; Kafadar Cemal, “The Question of Ottoman Decline,” Harvard Middle Eastern and Islamic Review 4 (1997–98): 3075. For reviews of the literature and critiques of decline, see Quataert Donald, “Ottoman History Writing and Changing Attitudes towards the Notion of ‘Decline,’History Compass 1 (2003): 19; Sajdi Dana, “Decline, Its Discontents and Ottoman Cultural History: By Way of Introduction,” in Sajdi Dana, ed., Ottoman Tulips, Ottoman Coffee: Leisure and Lifestyle in the Eighteenth Century (London: Tauris Academic Studies, 2007), 140.

14 For examples of the use of this new vocabulary, see Barkey Karen, Bandits and Bureaucrats: The Ottoman Route to State Centralization (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994); Ágoston Gábor, “A Flexible Empire: Authority and Its Limits on the Ottoman Frontiers,” International Journal of Turkish Studies 9 (2003): 1531; Doumanis Nicholas, “Durable Empire: State Virtuosity and Social Accommodation in the Ottoman Mediterranean,” Historical Journal 49 (2006): 953–66.

15 Kafadar Cemal, Between Two Worlds: The Construction of the Ottoman State (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Lowry Heath W., The Nature of the Early Ottoman State (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003).

16 Abou-El-Haj, Formation of the Modern State; Tezcan Baki, The Second Ottoman Empire: Political and Social Transformation in the Early Modern World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

17 Deringil Selim, The Well-Protected Domains: Ideology and the Legitimation of Power in the Ottoman Empire, 1876–1909 (London: I. B. Tauris, 1998).

18 Aksan Virginia H., Ottoman Wars, 1700–1870: An Empire Besieged (Harlow: Longman/Pearson, 2007). Carter Findley's works, several of which were published before the 1990s, have been very influential in shaping understandings of bureaucratic change, itself so central to the Tanzimat project and the long nineteenth century. See Bureaucratic Reform in the Ottoman Empire: The Sublime Porte, 1789–1922 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1980); and Ottoman Civil Officialdom: A Social History (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989).

19 See, for example, Aksan Virginia H., “Locating the Ottomans among Early Modern Empires,” Journal of Early Modern History 3 (1999): 103–34.

20 Peirce Leslie P., The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993); idem., Morality Tales: Law and Gender in the Ottoman Court of Aintab (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003); Zilfi Madeline C., Women and Slavery in the Late Ottoman Empire: The Design of Difference (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2010); idem., ed., Women in the Ottoman Empire: Middle Eastern Women in the Early Modern Era (Leiden: Brill, 1997); Buturović Amila and Schick İrvin Cemil, eds., Women in the Ottoman Balkans: Gender, Culture and History (London: I. B. Tauris, 2007). See also the relevant contributions to: Sonbol Amira El-Azhary, ed., Beyond the Exotic: Women's Histories in Islamic Societies (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2005).

21 Zarinebaf Fariba, Crime and Punishment in Istanbul: 1700–1800 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010); Hamadeh Shirine, The City's Pleasures: Istanbul in the Eighteenth Century (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2008); Grehan James, Everyday Life & Consumer Culture in 18th-Century Damascus (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2007); Boyar Ebru and Fleet Kate, A Social History of Ottoman Istanbul (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010).

22 Baer Marc David, Honored by the Glory of Islam: Conversion and Conquest in Ottoman Europe (New York: Oxford University Press, 2008); Shefer-Mossensohn Miri, Ottoman Medicine: Healing and Medical Institutions, 1500–1700 (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2010). See also Tezcan Baki and Barbir Karl K., eds., Identity and Identity Formation in the Ottoman World: A Volume of Essays in Honor of Norman Izkowitz (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2007).

23 Singer Amy, Palestinian Peasants and Ottoman Officials: Rural Administration around Sixteenth-Century Jerusalem (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994); Hathaway Jane, The Politics of Households in Ottoman Egypt: The Rise of the Qazdağlıs (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); idem., A Tale of Two Factions: Myth, Memory, and Identity in Ottoman Egypt and Yemen (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003); Hathaway Jane, with contributions by Barbir Karl K., The Arab Lands under Ottoman Rule, 1516–1800 (Harlow: Pearson Education, 2008); Greene Molly, A Shared World: Christians and Muslims in the Early Modern Mediterranean (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000); Minkov Anton, Conversion to Islam in the Balkans: Kisve Bahası Petitions and Ottoman Social Life, 1670–1730 (Leiden: Brill, 2004).

24 Casale Giancarlo, The Ottoman Age of Exploration (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).

25 Faroqhi Suraiya, The Ottoman Empire and the World around It (London: I. B. Tauris, 2004).

26 Krstić Tijana, Contested Conversions to Islam: Narratives of Religious Change in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011).

27 Rothman E. Natalie, Brokering Empire: Trans-Imperial Subjects Between Venice and Istanbul (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2011); Kafadar Cemal, “A Death in Venice (1575): Anatolian Muslim Merchants Trading in the Serenissima,” Journal of Turkish Studies 10 (1986): 191217; Eileen M. Kane, “Pilgrims, Holy Places, and the Multi-Confessional Empire: Russian Policy toward the Ottoman Empire under Tsar Nicholas I, 1825–1855,” (PhD diss., Princeton University, 2005).

28 See, for example, Baer, Honored by the Glory of Islam; Metin And, 16. Yüzyılda İstanbul: Kent—Saray—Günlük Yaşam (İstanbul: Yapı Kredi Yayınları, 2011).

29 Kuran Timur, The Long Divergence: How Islamic Law Held Back the Middle East (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011), 5.

31 Ibid., ix.

32 Faroqhi Suraiya, Artisans of Empire: Crafts and Craftspeople under the Ottomans (London: I. B. Tauris, 2009); idem., Men of Modest Substance: House Owners and House Property in Seventeenth-Century Ankara and Kayseri (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); idem., Making a Living in the Ottoman Lands, 1480 to 1820 (Istanbul: Isis Press, 1995); Doumani Beshara, Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700–1900 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1995); Hanna Nelly, Artisan Entrepreneurs in Cairo and Early-Modern Capitalism (1600–1800) (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2011); idem., In Praise of Books: A Cultural History of Cairo's Middle Class, Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2003); idem., Making Big Money in 1600: The Life and Times of Isma‘il Abu Taqiyya, Egyptian Merchant (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1998); Faroqhi Suraiya and Veinstein Gilles, eds., Merchants in the Ottoman Empire (Paris: Peeters, 2008); Fleet Kate, European and Islamic Trade in the Early Ottoman State: The Merchants of Genoa and Turkey (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Mayer Ann Elizabeth, ed., Property, Social Structure, and Law in the Modern Middle East (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1985).

33 Hanna, Making Big Money.

34 The final chapter of Nelly Hanna's most recent book does address Egyptian economic history into the twentieth century, arguing that there were multiple forms of capitalism in the early modern period and that “the development of forms of artisan capitalism” were later “subsumed by more dominant ones” (Artisan Entrepreneurs, 194).

35 Lewis Bernard, What Went Wrong? The Clash Between Islam and Modernity in the Middle East (New York: Oxford University Press, 2002); Bulliet Richard W., The Case for Islamo-Christian Civilization (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 4793.

36 See, respectively, Andrews Walter G. and Kalpaklı Mehmet, The Age of Beloveds: Love and the Beloved in Early-Modern Ottoman and European Culture and Society (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005); Casale, Ottoman Age of Exploration; Philliou Christine M., Biography of an Empire: Governing Ottomans in an Age of Revolution (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011); Krstić Tijana, “Illuminated by the Light of Islam and the Glory of the Ottoman Sultanate: Self-Narratives of Conversion to Islam in the Age of Confessionalization,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 51 (2009): 3563; Brummett Palmira, Ottoman Seapower and Levantine Diplomacy in the Age of Discovery (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994); Necipoğlu Gülru, The Age of Sinan: Architectural Culture in the Ottoman Empire (London: Reaktion, 2005); McGowan Bruce, “The Age of the Ayans, 1699–1812,” in Halil İnalcık with Quataert Donald, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire: Volume Two, 1600–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 637758; Quataert Donald, “The Age of Reforms, 1812–1914,” in Halil İnalcık with Quataert Donald, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire: Volume Two, 1600–1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 759944; Freely John and Burelli Augusto Romano, Sinan: Architect of Süleyman the Magnificent and the Ottoman Golden Age (London: Thames and Hudson, 1992); İnalcık Halil, The Ottoman Empire: The Classical Age, 1300–1600, Itzkowitz Norman and Imber Colin, trans. (New York: Praeger, 1973).

37 Andrews and Kalpaklı, Age of Beloveds, 24.

38 Ibid., 22.

39 Ibid., 23 (original emphasis).

41 Ibid., 30.

42 For a deeper discussion of this point, see Greene Molly, “The Ottoman Experience,” Daedalus 134 (2005): 8899.

43 Finkel Caroline, Osman's Dream: The Story of the Ottoman Empire, 1300–1923 (New York: Basic Books, 2006).

44 Kinross Lord, The Ottoman Centuries: The Rise and Fall of the Turkish Empire (New York: Morrow, 1977). Stanford Shaw's two-volume work is also important in this regard. See Shaw Stanford, History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976–1977).

45 Halil İnalcık with Quataert Donald, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, 2 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); The Cambridge History of Turkey, 4 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006–2012).

46 In this regard, see, for example, Reşat Kasaba's A Moveable Empire: Ottoman Nomads, Migrants, and Refugees (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2009), which uses the study of mobility to understand the entire temporal scope of Ottoman history.

47 Barkey Karen, Empire of Difference: The Ottomans in Comparative Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

48 Ibid., 6.

49 Doumanis, “Durable Empire,” 955.

50 Barkey, Empire of Difference, 17.

51 On the role of large-scale rebellions in Ottoman history, see Hathaway Jane, ed., Mutiny and Rebellion in the Ottoman Empire (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2004).

52 For a very useful recent snapshot of some of this work from the past decade or so, see Aksan Virginia H. and Goffman Daniel, eds., The Early Modern Ottomans: Remapping the Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007).

53 This narrative of the sixteenth century is recounted in Halil İnalcık's The Ottoman Empire.

54 For the Saidian critique, see Said Edward W., Orientalism (New York: Pantheon Books, 1978); idem., Culture and Imperialism (New York: Knopf, 1993).

55 For critical evaluation of this trend, see Goldstone Jack A., “The Problem of the ‘Early Modern’ World,” Journal of the Social and Economic History of the Orient 41 (1998): 249–84; Starn Randolph, “The Early Modern Muddle,” Journal of Early Modern History 6 (2002): 296307. See also the articles in the following very useful publication: “The Eurasian Context of the Early Modern History of Mainland South East Asia, 1400–1800,” special issue of Modern Asian Studies 31 (1997).

56 On the Ottoman circle of justice, see Fleischer Cornell, “Royal Authority, Dynastic Cyclism, and ‘Ibn Khaldûnism’ in Sixteenth-Century Ottoman Letters,” Journal of Asian and African Studies 18 (1983): 198220.

57 For an analysis of some of the potentials and possibilities of what certain forms of post-national belonging might look like, see Hardt Michael and Negri Antonio, Multitude: War and Democracy in the Age of Empire (New York: Penguin Press, 2004). See especially their invocation of the specter of premodern societies in what they term “the twilight of the peasant world”: ibid., 115–27.

58 On these points, see Ze'evi Dror, “Back to Napoleon? Thoughts on the Beginning of the Modern Era in the Middle East,” Mediterranean Historical Review 19 (2004): 7394.

59 See, respectively, Tezcan, The Second Ottoman Empire; Khoury Dina Rizk, State and Provincial Society in the Ottoman Empire: Mosul, 1540–1834 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); Philliou, Biography of an Empire; Mikhail Alan, Nature and Empire in Ottoman Egypt: An Environmental History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Salzmann Ariel, Tocqueville in the Ottoman Empire: Rival Paths to the Modern State (Leiden: Brill, 2004).

60 Barkey Karen and von Hagen Mark, eds., After Empire: Multiethnic Societies and Nation-Building: The Soviet Union and the Russian, Ottoman, and Habsburg Empires (Boulder: Westview Press, 1997).

61 Lieven, Empire, xiii.

62 On some of the many lingering effects of empire on the modern nation-state, see Chatterjee Partha, The Black Hole of Empire: History of a Global Practice of Power (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012); idem., Nationalist Thought and the Colonial World: A Derivative Discourse (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1993).

63 Crews Robert D., For Prophet and Tsar: Islam and Empire in Russia and Central Asia (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2006); Tuna Mustafa, “Madrasa Reform as a Secularizing Process: A View from the Late Russian Empire,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 53 (2011): 540–70. For work on Ottoman Christians, see Masters Bruce, Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Arab World: The Roots of Sectarianism (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001); Philliou Christine, “Communities on the Verge: Unraveling the Phanariot Ascendancy in Ottoman Governance,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 51 (2009): 151–81; Makdisi Ussama, The Culture of Sectarianism: Community, History, and Violence in Nineteenth-Century Ottoman Lebanon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000).

64 Khoury Dina Rizk and Kennedy Dane Keith, “Comparing Empires: The Ottoman Domains and the British Raj in the Long Nineteenth Century,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 27 (2007): 233–44; Kühn Thomas, “Shaping and Reshaping Colonial Ottomanism: Contesting Boundaries of Difference and Integration in Ottoman Yemen, 1872–1919,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 27 (2007): 315–31; Bayly C. A., “Distorted Development: The Ottoman Empire and British India, circa 1780–1916,” Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 27 (2007): 332–44.

65 Makdisi Ussama, “Ottoman Orientalism,” American Historical Review 107 (2002): 768–96; Deringil Selim, “‘They Live in a State of Nomadism and Savagery’: The Late Ottoman Empire and the Post-Colonial Debate,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 45 (2003): 311–42.

66 See, for example, the following comparison between the Ottoman territories of Albania and Yemen: Blumi Isa, Rethinking the Late Ottoman Empire: A Comparative Social and Political History of Albania and Yemen, 1878–1918 (Istanbul: Isis, 2003).

67 Petrov Milen V., “Everyday Forms of Compliance: Subaltern Commentaries on Ottoman Reform, 1864–1868,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 46 (2004): 730–59.

68 Kasaba, A Moveable Empire.

69 Klein Janet, The Margins of Empire: Kurdish Militias in the Ottoman Tribal Zone (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011).

70 For a further comparative view of “civilizing missions,” see Pomeranz, “Empire & ‘Civilizing’ Missions.”

71 We borrow the phrase “durable empire” from Nicholas Doumanis's “Durable Empire.”

72 Hanioğlu M. Şükrü, The Young Turks in Opposition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995); idem., Preparation for a Revolution: The Young Turks, 1902–1908 (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001); Zürcher Erik Jan, The Unionist Factor: The Role of the Committee of Union and Progress in the Turkish National Movement, 1905–1926 (Leiden: Brill, 1984); Ahmad Feroz, The Young Turks: The Committee of Union and Progress in Turkish Politics, 1908–1914 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969); Reynolds Michael A., Shattering Empires: The Clash and Collapse of the Ottoman and Russian Empires, 1908–1918 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Aksakal Mustafa, The Ottoman Road to War in 1914: The Ottoman Empire and the First World War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008).

73 Dündar Fuat, Crime of Numbers: The Role of Statistics in the Armenian Question (1878–1918) (New Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 2010); Gingeras Ryan, Sorrowful Shores: Violence, Ethnicity, and the End of the Ottoman Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009); Akçam Taner, The Young Turks' Crime against Humanity: The Armenian Genocide and Ethnic Cleansing in the Ottoman Empire (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012).

74 Üngör Uğur Ümit, The Making of Modern Turkey: Nation and State in Eastern Anatolia, 1913–1950 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011).

75 Findley Carter Vaughn, Turkey, Islam, Nationalism, and Modernity: A History, 1789–2007 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010); Göçek Fatma Müge, The Transformation of Turkey: Redefining State and Society from the Ottoman Empire to the Modern Era (London: I. B. Tauris, 2011); Hanioğlu M. Şükrü, Atatürk: An Intellectual Biography (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2011). Göçek's and Üngör's studies are inextricable from the project known as the Workshop for Armenian-Turkish Studies, which, over the past decade, has moved the scholarly discussion of the Armenian Genocide and Ottoman history of that period forward in crucial ways. One of the recent products of these collaborative efforts is: Suny Ronald Grigor, Göçek Fatma Müge, and Naimark Norman M., eds., A Question of Genocide: Armenians and Turks at the End of the Ottoman Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011).

76 Abou-El-Haj, Formation of the Modern State, 2.

77 For these two examples, see, respectively, Singer Amy, Constructing Ottoman Beneficence: An Imperial Soup Kitchen in Jerusalem (Albany: State University of New York, 2002); and Philliou, Biography of an Empire.

78 Trivellato Francesca, The Familiarity of Strangers: The Sephardic Diaspora, Livorno, and Cross-Cultural Trade in the Early Modern Period (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009); Johnson Christopher H., Sabean David Warren, Teuscher Simon, and Trivellato Francesca, eds., Transregional and Transnational Families in Europe and Beyond: Experiences since the Middle Ages (New York: Berghahn Books, 2011); Aslanian Sebouh David, From the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean: The Global Trade Networks of Armenian Merchants from New Julfa (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011).

79 Subrahmanyam Sanjay, “Connected Histories: Notes towards a Reconfiguration of Early Modern Eurasia,” Modern Asian Studies 31 (1997): 735–62; idem., Explorations in Connected History: From the Tagus to the Ganges (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005); idem., Explorations in Connected History: Mughals and Franks (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005).

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