Almost everyone who has investigated the subject agrees that between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries a great social transformation occurred, primarily in England and France, but to a lesser extent in other European countries and America as well. In sociopolitical terms this change is generally characterized as the rise of liberalism and is linked with the English, French and American Revolutions. The socioeconomic factors are summarized under the general heading of the industrial revolution and the rise of capitalism. Finally, there are several cultural dimensions to these changes, most notably the Protestant Reformation, but also the great advances in science, the declining status of the patriarchal family, new trends in philosophy, etc. It is generally felt that these dramatic events, which have shaped the course of Western civilization for four centuries, are, in some way, linked together.

The quest for information about a historical figure in this study is part of a larger research into the interethnic relationships among the different groups of Arabs in Galilee: peasants and nomads, Muslims, Christians, and Druzes.1 This paper on a strongman who dominated the Galilee for nearly thirty years is written out of a conviction that in his life-history we can see the dynamics of group relations in his time and that his biography is comparable to those of similar figures in other parts of the world.

Like Dr. Zenner, I have carried out field research in the Galilean region of Israel, and like him have had to rely mainly on older respondents—in my case, exclusively Druze—for basic data. But where Dr. Zenner is an anthropologist with historical interests, I am a psychologist; as such, my thoughts on the kinds of materials that we both collected may provide a worthwhile complement to his. Faced with the fact that memories of Aqiili Agha continue to echo through the Galilee long after his death, the historical scholar asks, ‘what manner of man engendered these accounts?’ while the psychologist asks, ‘why do these memories persist, and in what ways are these memories distorted by the same motives that keep them alive?’. Accordingly, Dr. Zenner uses his subjects as informants on an historic figure, Aqiili Agha, a person external to themselves. As a psychologist I use equivalent materials, from a similar respondent group, as projective data.

It is generally acknowledged that the contemporary revival of Weber's concept of charismatic authority was prompted by its utility in explaining the revolutionary movements of the first half of the twentieth century. The more recent applications of the concept to the study of leadership in the emerging non-Western states, constituted yet another revival, testifying to the analytical power of Weber's conceptual scheme.

The politicians of the Brazilian Empire (1822–89) have provided the inspiration for a tremendous production of historical writing. Scholars have experienced difficulty, however, in making valid generalizations concerning the career patterns of imperial politicians: recruitment, training, integration, and advancement within the ranks of the political elite. Good biographies furnish useful details about individual politicians and their careers, but do not identify the system adopted by the monarchy for the purpose of developing its own political elite. Generalizations have been based on individual cases, and no adequate treatment of collective career patterns exists.