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A cuckoo in the nest? The origins of civil registration and state medical statistics in England and Wales

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 November 2008

Abstract

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Research Article
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1996

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References

ENDNOTES

1 The Act laid down that the new Poor Law Unions should be the basis of superintendent registrars' districts, these being further subdivided into registrars' districts for births and deaths registration. Births and deaths were to be registered by householders and next of kin under a prescribed form within set times, after which a fee would be payable. The death certificate asked for the date of death, name, age, sex, rank or profession and cause of death of the deceased. Duplicates of the entries in the registers were to be sent to the GRO in London, which was to be headed by a Registrar General.

2 In summary the ‘MacDonagh Thesis ‘is that the growth of the state in the early Victorian period reflected a process whereby the exposure of ‘intolerable situations ‘forced Parliament to pass permissive or enabling legislation, and later to appoint inspectors or other ‘experts’to oversee the new legislation. As these officers responded to the continuing needs of their clients and their consciences, they pressed for further compulsory legislation, and for a superintending central body to oversee it; see MacDonagh, Oliver, ‘The nineteenth-century revolution in government: a reappraisal’, The Historical Journal I, 1 (1958), 5267CrossRefGoogle Scholar; A pattern of government growth. The Passenger Acts and their enforcement 1800–1860 (London, 1961)Google Scholar; and Early Victorian government 1830–1870 (London, 1977).Google Scholar

3 See Westergaard, Harald, Contributions to the history of statistics (London, 1932).Google Scholar

4 Report of the Select Committee appointed to consider and report on the general state of parochial registries and the laws relating to them, and on a general registration of births, baptisms, marriages, deaths and burials in England and Wales (Parliamentary Papers (hereafter PP) 1833, XIV), pp. 6, 75.Google Scholar

5 This argument is rehearsed in Finer, S. E., The life and times of Sir Edwin Chadwick (London, 1952), 125Google Scholar; Lewis, R. A., Edwin Chadwick and the public health movement 1832–1854 (London, 1952), 31Google Scholar; Flinn, M. W., ‘Introduction’, to Chadwick, Edwin, Report on the sanitary condition of the labouring population of Great Britain (Edinburgh, 1965 edn), 27–9Google Scholar; Glass, D. V., Numbering the people (Farnborough, 1973), 118–19Google Scholar; Cullen, M. J., ‘The making of the Civil Registration Act of 1836’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History XXV (1914), 3959Google Scholar; Eyler, John M., Victorian social medicine. The ideas and methods of William Farr (London, 1979), 37Google Scholar; Nissel, Muriel, People count. A history of the General Register Office (London, 1987), 1011Google Scholar; Goldman, Lawrence, ‘Statistics and the society of science in early Victorian Britain; an intellectual context for the General Register Office’, Social History of Medicine 4 (1991), 418.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 Cullen, , ‘The making of the Civil Registration Act’, 42–3.Google Scholar

7 Report of the Select Committee on parochial registries, 911.Google Scholar

8 Cullen, , ‘The making of the Civil Registration Act’, 45.Google Scholar

9 Ibid., 50.

10 Hansard, 3rd series, Vol. 31, 02 12 1836, cols. 369–77.Google Scholar

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21 The published volume of Parliamentary Papers has a bill of 21 June with no cause of death (PP 1836, I, p. 366Google Scholar), and one of 3 August with cause of death (PP 1836, I, p. 388Google Scholar). However, an unpublished version of 21 July 1836 held in the House of Lords Record Office also includes cause of death.

22 6&7 Will. IV c. 86, s. vi.

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28 Second report of the commissioners appointed to inquire into the law of England respecting real property, PP 1830, XI.Google Scholar Crowther and White have recently pointed out the importance of the proper medical registration of live births for establishing rights to property; see Crowther, M. A. and White, Brenda M., ‘Medicine, property and the law in Britain 1800–1914’, The Historical Journal 31 (1988), 859–60.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

29 Third report of the commissioners appointed to inquire into the law of England respecting real property, PP 18311832, XXIII, p. 434Google Scholar. See also Bentham, Jeremy, An introduction to the principles of morals and legislation (London, 1798), Chapter IV, section VIII.Google Scholar

30 PP 1824, II, pp. 671–82.Google Scholar

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32 Report of the Select Committee on parochial registries, 9.Google Scholar

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34 Ibid., 55, 58, 64, 77.

35 Ibid., 28–31.

36 Ibid., 10.

37 PP 1836, I, fos. 393–402.Google Scholar

38 1st Annual Report of the Registrar General (hereafter ARRG) (London, 1839), 56, 68.Google Scholar

39 Hansard, 3rd series, Vol. 34, 6 06 1836, col. 139.Google Scholar Brougham had defended his own bill in similar terms: Hansard, 3rd series, Vol. 24, 07 2 1834, col. 1077.Google Scholar

40 J. S. Burn, a lawyer who gave evidence before the 1833 Select Committee, contrasted the religious intent of the Marriage Act with the secular purpose of the Registration Act: Burn, John Southerden, The Marriage and Registration Acts with instructions, forms, and practical directions for the use of officiating ministers, superintendent registrars, registrars, etc. (London, 1836), 17.Google Scholar

41 Hansard, 3rd series, Vol. 34, 13 06 1836, cols. 490–4Google Scholar; Hansard, 3rd series, Vol. 34, 28 06 1836, col. 1017Google Scholar; Hansard, 3rd series, Vol. 35, 21 07 1836, col. 375.Google Scholar

42 Quoted in Elton, G. R., Policy and police. The enforcement of the Reformation in the age of Thomas Cromwell (Cambridge, 1972), 259–60.Google Scholar

43 22nd ARRG (London, 1861), xlv.Google Scholar By 1875, 25,407 searches were made in that year at Somerset House, and 19,639 certificates were issued (38th ARRG (London, 1877), vii).Google Scholar

44 The ‘public records’ were originally envisaged as the records of the courts of law rather than the records of central government departments (Public Record Office, Guide to the contents of the Public Record Office, Vol. 1 (London, 1963), 2).Google Scholar

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58 Eyler, , Victorian social medicine, 108–9Google Scholar; Report of the Select Committee on friendly societies, PP 1825, IV, pp. 416, 456–70.Google Scholar

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60 Chadwick, , An essay on the means of insurance, 154.Google Scholar The eradication of ill health would, of course, also help to reduce the burdens of the poor thrown onto the Poor Law as a result (Flinn, , ‘Introduction’, 43).Google Scholar

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71 Ibid., p. 36.

72 For Farr's use of the comparison see Szreter, Simon, ‘The GRO and the public health movement in Britain’, 436–41.Google Scholar

73 PRO, RG 29/5, p. 56.Google Scholar

74 PRO, RG 29/5, pp. 5960Google Scholar. Farr did not become head of the Statistical Department until a year later, in July 1839 (RG 29/1, p. 61).Google Scholar

75 See Wright, Maurice, Treasury control of the Civil Service 1854–1874 (Oxford, 1969), 151.Google Scholar

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77 1st ARRG (London, 1839), 1516.Google Scholar

78 4th ARRG (London, 1842), 3.Google Scholar

79 5th ARRG (2nd edn; London, 1843), 1649, 342–67Google Scholar; 6th ARRG (London, 1845), 517666Google Scholar; 8th ARRG (London, 1849), 277348Google Scholar; 12th ARRG (London, 1853), 1152Google Scholar; 20th ARRG (London, 1859), 174204.Google Scholar

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89 Marshall, T. H., ‘Citizenship and social class’, in Turner, Bryan S. and Hamilton, Peter eds., Citizenship: critical concepts, Vol. II (London, 1994), 544.Google Scholar Citizenship also needs to be seen in terms of nation-building; see Kreager, Philip, ‘Quand une population est-elle une nation? Quand une nation est-elle un état? La demographic et l'emergence d'un dilemme moderne, 1770–1870’, Population 6 (1992), 1639–56.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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