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Domestic military missions in Latin America: Civil-military relations and the perpetuation of democratic deficits

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  15 November 2021

Nicole Jenne Open the ORCID record for Nicole Jenne [Opens in a new window]  and
Rafael Martínez Open the ORCID record for Rafael Martínez [Opens in a new window]
Nicole Jenne*
Affiliation:
Institute of Political Science, Pontificia Universidad Católica, Chile
Rafael Martínez
Affiliation:
Political Science and Public Administration, University of Barcelona, Spain
*
*Corresponding author. Email: njenne@uc.cl
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Abstract

Latin American militaries are today in many regards inoperative and obsolete as an instrument of defence. Yet, they seek to maintain their organisational power and privileges. Governments, on the other hand, lack the adequate means to fight criminality, persisting poverty and social inequality. In an apparent win-win situation, Latin American governments have used the military as a wildcard to step in where civilian state capacity falls short, including for urban and border patrols, literacy campaigns and to collect garbage, among many other tasks. The military's manifold internal use has been defended mainly based on pragmatic reasons. We argue instead that the ostensive pareto optimality between militaries and governments has had negative effects for civil-military relations from a democratic governance point of view that takes into consideration the efficiency and effectiveness of how the state delivers basic services across different policy areas.

Keywords

Civil-Military RelationsDemocratic GovernanceInternal SecurityMilitary MissionsLatin America
Type
Special Issue Article
Information
European Journal of International Security , Volume 7 , Special Issue 1: Military Organizations in a Changing World: How New Operational Experiences Shape Civil-Military Relations , February 2022 , pp. 58 - 83
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of the British International Studies Association

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References

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13 For recent examples of how the militarisation of public security compromises human rights, see Astrid Valencia and Diana Sánchez, ‘Some Things Never Change: Repression and the Militarization of Public Security in El Salvador’, Amnesty International (2020), available at: {https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2020/10/represion-militarizacion-seguridad-publica-el-salvador/}; José Miguel Vivanco, ‘Militarization: Colossal Error’, Commentary, Human Rights Watch (2020), available at: {https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/08/03/militarization-colossal-error}.

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18 Samuel P. Huntington, The Soldier and the State: The Theory and Politics of Civil-Military Relations (Cambridge, UK: Belknap Press, 1957).

19 Stepan, ‘The new professionalism’.

20 John Samuel Fitch, The Armed Forces and Democracy in Latin America (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), p. xx.

21 Diamint, ‘A new militarism in Latin America’, pp. 166, 156.

22 Desch, Civilian Control of the Military; Paul Staniland, ‘Explaining civil-military relations in complex political environments: India and Pakistan in comparative perspective’, Security Studies, 17:2 (22 May 2008), pp. 322–62, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1080/09636410802099022}.

23 Desch, Civilian Control of the Military.

24 Bove, Rivera, and Ruffa, ‘Beyond coups’.

25 Lindsay P. Cohn, Statement of Lindsay P. Cohn before The Senate Armed Forces Committee Hearing on Civilian Control of the Armed Forces (Washington, DC, 2021).

26 Pion-Berlin and Trinkunas, ‘Democratization, social crisis and the impact of military domestic roles in Latin America’; Pion-Berlin, Military Missions in Democratic Latin America.

27 David Pion-Berlin and Craig Arceneaux, ‘Decision-makers or decision-takers? Military missions and civilian control in democratic South America’, Armed Forces & Society, 26:3 (April 2000), pp. 413–36, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327X0002600304}.

28 Lyle N. McAlister, ‘Changing concepts of the role of the military in Latin America’, The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 360:1 (July 1965), p. 93, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1177/000271626536000108}.

29 Ibid., p. 95.

30 Louis W. Goodman, ‘Military roles past and present’, in Larry Jay Diamond and Marc F. Plattner (eds), Civil-Military Relations and Democracy (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996), p. 37.

31 Ibid., pp. 40–1.

32 See Christoph Harig and Chiara Ruffa, ‘Knocking on the barracks’ door: How role conceptions shape the military's reactions to political demands’, European Journal of International Security (forthcoming, 2022).

33 Among many others, see Edgardo Amaya Cóbar, ‘Militarización de la seguridad pública en el Salvador, 1992–2012’, URVIO, Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios de Seguridad, 12 (2012), pp. 71–82; Marcos Pablo Moloeznik and Ignacio Medina Núñez, Proceso de militarización de la seguridad pública en América Latina: Contextualizaciones latinoamericanas (2019); Sampó and Troncoso, ‘La violencia vinculada a la criminalidad en Brasil y el papel de las fuerzas armadas en la búsqueda de la seguridad pública’.

34 See, for instance, the claim that ‘academic scholarship has remained relatively silent on the role of the armed forces in domestic security’, which can only be sustained ignoring the academic output of mostly Latin America-based scholars. Flores-Macías and Zarkin, ‘The militarization of law enforcement’, p. 2.

35 An exception is Héctor Luis Saint-Pierre and Laura Donadelli, ‘El empleo de las fuerzas armadas en asuntos internos’, in Günther Maihold and Stefan Jost (eds), El Narcotráfico y Su Combate: Sus Efectos Sobre Las Relaciones Internacionales (México, DF: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, 2014), pp. 61–75.

36 Amaya Cóbar, ‘Militarización de la seguridad pública en El Salvador, 1992–2012’; Sigrid Arzt, ‘La militarización de la procuraduría general de la república: Riesgos para la democracia Mexicana’, USMEX Working Paper Series 2003–04 (2003), pp. 1–36; Lucía Dammert and John Bailey, ‘¿Militarización de la seguridad pública en América Latina?’, Foreign Affairs En Español, April to June (2007), pp. 61–70.

37 Centeno, Blood and Debt; Holden, Armies without Nations.

38 Kristina Mani, ‘The Soldier Is Here to Defend You’: Latin America's Militarized Response to COVID-19, World Politics Review (2020), available at: {https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/articles/28700/from-peru-to-venezuela-military-forces-take-the-lead-in-coronavirus-responses}; Deborah L. Norden, ‘The making of socialist soldiers: Radical populism and civil-military relations in Venezuela, Ecuador and Bolivia’, in Mares and Martínez, Debating Civil-Military Relations in Latin America, pp. 155–80.

39 Maiah Jaskoski, Military Politics and Democracy in the Andes (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2013).

40 Bárbara Vial, ‘Enfrentamos grupos de carácter guerrillero, muy preparados y muy armados’, El Mercurio (14 March 2021).

41 Guillermo Saavedra, ‘Chilean Ministry of Defense recognizes 6 outstanding military women’, Diálogo (8 April 2021), available at: {https://dialogo-americas.com/articles/chilean-ministry-of-defense-recognizes-6-outstanding-military-women/}.

42 Martínez captures this situation when he argues that Latin America's militaries risk turning into lamplighters and scarecrows. As lamplighters, military institutions remain modelled upon a defence function that in its traditional form has become obsolete. As scarecrows, the armed forces perform necessary functions, for which they, however, are ill-equipped. Rafa Martínez, ‘Las fuerzas armadas y los roles a evitar después de la pandemia’, Revista de Occidente, 474 (2020), pp. 9–22.

43 Stepan, ‘The new professionalism’.

44 Centeno, Blood and Debt, p. 10.

45 Holden, Armies without Nations, p. 26.

46 Huntington, The Soldier and the State.

47 Arturo Alvarado, ‘The Militarization of Internal Security and Its Consequences for Democracy’, paper prepared for the Annual Meeting of the American Political Science Association, Washington, DC (2–5 September 2010, 2010); Alejandro Frenkel, ‘“Disparen contra las olas”: Securitización y militarización de desastres naturales y ayuda humanitaria en América Latina’, Íconos: Revista de Ciencias Sociales, 64 (30 April 2019), pp. 183–202, available at: {https://doi.org/10.17141/iconos.64.2019.3435}; Loreta Tellería Escobar, Fuerzas Armadas, Seguridad Interna y Democracia En Bolivia: Entre La Indefinición Estratégica y La Criminalización Social (Buenos Aires: CLACSO, 2004).

48 Norden, ‘The making of socialist soldiers'.

49 French Constitution of 1791, Title IV, Arts 7, 8, 10.

50 Holden, Armies without Nations.

51 O'Donnell, Guillermo A., ‘Why the rule of law matters’, Journal of Democracy, 15:4 (2004), pp. 32–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2004.0076}.

52 David P. Succi Junior, ‘Violence and moral exclusion: Legitimizing domestic military operations in Brazil’, Armed Forces & Society (8 February 2021), available at: {0095327X2098810, https://doi.org/10.1177/0095327X20988106}.

53 José Julio Rodríguez Fernández and Daniel Sansó-Rubert Pascal, ‘El recurso constitucional a las fuerzas armadas para el mantenimiento de la seguridad interior: El caso de Iberoamérica’, Boletín Mexicano de Derecho Comparado, XLIII:128 (2010), pp. 747–58.

54 See Art. 158 of the Constitution of Ecuador and Art. 89 of the Constitution of Mexico.

55 Flores-Macías and Zarkin, ‘The militarization of law enforcement’, p. 12.

56 Xira Ruiz Campillo and Francisco J. Verdes-Montenegro Escánez, Seguridad y Defensa En Latinoamérica: De Los Libros Blancos de La Defensa a La Cooperación Regional, vol. 100, Documento de Trabajo Opex (Madrid: Fundación Alternativas y Ministerio de Defensa de España, 2019).

57 Holden, Armies without Nations, p. 27; Mark Ungar, Elusive Reform: Democracy and the Rule of Law in Latin America (Boulder, CO: L. Rienner Publishers, 2002).

58 Raphael C. Lima, Peterson F. Silva, and Gunther Rudzit, ‘No power vacuum: National security neglect and the defence sector in Brazil’, Defence Studies, 21:1 (2 January 2021), p. 4, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2020.1848425}.

59 The country closest to this position is probably Uruguay. See David Altman and Nicole Jenne, ‘Uruguay: No country for a military?’, in Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics (Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2020), available at: {https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780190228637.013.1864}.

60 Christopher Dandeker, ‘The military in democratic societies: New times and new patterns of civil-military relations’, in Jürgen Kuhlmann and Jean Callaghan (eds), Military and Society in 21st Century Europe: A Comparative Analysis (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 2011), pp. 27–43; Edmunds, Timothy, ‘What are armed forces for? The changing nature of military roles in Europe’, International Affairs, 82:6 (2006), pp. 1059–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

61 Barros, Alexandre de S. C. and Coelho, Edmundo, ‘Military intervention and withdrawal in South America’, International Political Science Review, 2:3 (1981), p. 344CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

62 Jenne, ‘The domestic origins of no-war communities’; Kacowicz, Zones of Peace.

63 Philippe Manigart, ‘Restructured armed forces’, in Giuseppe Caforio and Marina Nuciari (eds), Handbook of the Sociology of the Military (Boston, MA: Springer, 2006), pp. 413, 414.

64 Ibid., p. 414.

65 Pion-Berlin and Martínez, Soldiers, Politicians, and Civilians, p. 304.

66 See, for instance, IISS, ‘Chapter eight: Latin America and the Caribbean’, The Military Balance, 120:1 (1 January 2020), p. 403, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1080/04597222.2020.1707970}.

67 Manigart, ‘Restructured armed forces’.

68 Nina Wilén and Lisa Strömbom, ‘A versatile organisation: Mapping the military's core roles in a changing security environment’, European Journal of International Security (forthcoming, 2022).

69 Gelb, A., Knight, J. B., and Sabot, R. H., ‘Public sector employment, rent seeking and economic growth’, The Economic Journal, 101:408 (1991), pp. 1186–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dani Rodrik, ‘What drives public employment in developing countries?’, Review of Development Economics, 4:3 (October 2000), p. 231, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-9361.00091}.

70 Rodrik, ‘What drives public employment in developing countries?’.

71 La Diaria, ‘Mujica: Servicio militar obligatorio podría “ser un camino” para tratar drogadicción’, La Diaria Política, 10 (2019), available at: {https://ladiaria.com.uy/politica/articulo/2019/10/mujica-servicio-militar-obligatorio-podria-ser-un-camino-para-tratar-drogadiccion/}.

72 Diamint, ‘A new militarism in Latin America’, p. 158.

73 Miguel A. Centeno and Agustin E. Ferraro, ‘Republics of the possible’, in Miguel A. Centeno and Agustin E. Ferraro (eds), State and Nation Making in Latin America and Spain: Republics of the Possible (New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 2013), p. 6, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9781139342667}.

74 Villa, Rafael Duarte and Jenne, Nicole, ‘By all necessary means? Emerging powers and the use of force in peacekeeping’, Contemporary Security Policy, 41:3 (2020), pp. 407–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1080/13523260.2019.1698691}; Lima, Silva, and Rudzit, ‘No power vacuum’; David Pion-Berlin and Harold A. Trinkunas, ‘Attention deficits: Why politicians ignore defense policy in Latin America’, Latin American Research Review, 42:3 (30 October 2007), pp. 76–100, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1353/lar.2007.0031}.

75 Pion-Berlin and Trinkunas, ‘Attention deficits’.

76 Email exchange with Octavio Amorim Neto, 8 February 2021.

77 Authors’ collection.

78 Thomas-Durell Young, ‘The failure of defense planning in European post-communist defense institutions: Ascertaining causation and determining solutions’, Journal of Strategic Studies, 41:7 (10 November 2018), pp. 1031–57, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1080/01402390.2017.1307743}.

79 Manaut, Raúl Benítez, ‘Las relaciones civiles-militares en una democracia: Releyendo a los clásicos’, Revista Fuerzas Armadas y Sociedad, 19:1 (2005), p. 166Google Scholar.

80 See, for instance, Alvarado, The Militarization of Internal Security and Its Consequences for Democracy, p. 4.

81 Casey Delehanty et al., ‘Militarization and police violence: The case of the 1033 program’, Research & Politics, 4:2 (April 2017), available at: {205316801771288, https://doi.org/10.1177/2053168017712885}.

82 Amaya Cóbar, ‘Militarización de la seguridad pública en El Salvador, 1992–2012’; Diamint, ‘A new militarism in Latin America’, p. 158; Aurora Moreno Torres, ‘Seguridad democrática y militarización en Colombia: Más allá del conflicto armado’, URVIO, Revista Latinoamericana de Estudios de Seguridad, 12 (2012), pp. 41–56; Tellería Escobar, Fuerzas Armadas, Seguridad Interna y Democracia En Bolivia.

83 Flores-Macías and Zarkin, ‘The militarization of law enforcement’, p. 11; Luiz Eduardo Soares, ‘The national public security policy: Background, dilemmas and perspectives’, Estudos Avançados, 21:61 (2007), pp. 77–97; José Manuel Ugarte, ‘Qué cambios se están produciendo en las fuerzas armadas Latinoamericanas?’, Revista Política y Estrategia, 135 (2020), p. 61.

84 See Ugarte, ‘Qué cambios se están produciendo en las fuerzas armadas Latinoamericanas?’, pp. 61–2.

85 Nicole Jenne and María Lourdes Puente Olivera, ‘The Navy-Coast Guard nexus in Argentina: Lost in democratization?’, in Ian Bowers and Swee Lean Collin Koh (eds), Grey and White Hulls (Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2019), pp. 245–69, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-13-9242-9_13}.

86 Sofia Isabel Vizcarra Castillo and Christoph Heuser, ‘Los estados en los márgenes: Soberanía y gubernamentalidad en el principal valle cocalero peruano’, Sociologias, 21:52 (December 2019), pp. 179–80, available at: {https://doi.org/10.1590/15174522-88054}.

87 Interview via Teams, 21 February 2021.

88 See RESDAL, La Labor de Las Fuerzas Militares En Contexto de Crisis: Covid-19 (Buenos Aires: Red de Seguridad y Defensa de América Latina, 2020).

89 Uruguay, García Dijo Que La Mejor Política de Defensa Son Las Políticas Sociales (Montevideo: Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, 2020), available at: {https://www.gub.uy/ministerio-defensa-nacional/comunicacion/noticias/garcia-dijo-mejor-politica-defensa-son-politicas-sociales}.

90 Brian Loveman and Thomas Davies Jr, ‘The politics of antipolitics’, in Brian Loveman and Thomas M. Davies (eds), The Politics of Antipolitics: The Military in Latin America, Latin American Silhouettes: Studies in History and Culture (rev. and updated edn, Wilmington, Del: Scholarly Resources, 1997), pp. 3–14; Nordlinger, Soldiers in Politics.

91 Loveman and Davies Jr, ‘The politics of antipolitics’; Finer, The Man on Horseback, p. 10.

92 Nordlinger, Soldiers in Politics, p. 205.

93 Loveman and Davies Jr, ‘The politics of antipolitics’; Brian Loveman, ‘Protected democracies: Antipolitics and political transitions in Latin America, 1978–1994’, in Loveman and Davies (eds), The Politics of Antipolitics, pp. 366–97.

94 Loveman, For La Patria; Nordlinger, Soldiers in Politics.