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Life's Labors Lost: Priestly Death and Returning Home From a City of Refuge in Ancient Israel

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  19 July 2018

Richard Whitekettle*
Affiliation:
Calvin College

Abstract

According to Numbers 35:9–34, someone who had killed an innocent person intentionally was to be killed by an avenger of blood. However, someone who had killed an innocent person inadvertently was allowed to take up residence in a city of refuge where he (the legislation appears to be focused on males) would be shielded from being killed by this avenger. After the death of the high priest, the inadvertent killer could leave the city and return home safely.

This paper analyzes the six most common and substantial explanations for why an inadvertent killer could leave a city of refuge and return home after the death of the high priest, and shows why they cannot be correct. Another explanation is then offered, the basic elements of which are as follows.

An inadvertent killer was confined to a city of refuge in order to equalize the circumstances of the killer and his family/kin group with the circumstances of the victim and his family/kin group: specifically, the confinement of the killer in a city of refuge removed his presence and labor from his family/kin group just as the death of the victim had removed his presence and labor from his family/kin group. The legists behind Numbers 35:9–34, however, deemed it right and fair to limit the duration of that equalization to what the victim and his family/kin group had actually lost: the unfulfilled balance of the victim's natural lifespan. Since there was no way to know when the victim's natural lifespan would actually have come to an end, the legists availed themselves of the high priest's representational function, and used his death to represent when the natural death of the victim would have taken place. An inadvertent killer was, therefore, released from confinement after the high priest died, and his circumstances were normalized.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © President and Fellows of Harvard College 2018 

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References

1 It has been suggested that “based on our general knowledge of the role of women in Israelite culture, it seems unlikely that a woman who had killed someone could live alone in a strange city for an indefinite period” (Sakenfeld, Katharine Doob, Journeying with God: A Commentary on the Book of Numbers [ITC; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1995] 183Google Scholar). Furthermore, it would only have been in exceptional cases (Num 27:1–11, 36) that a woman would possess property () to which she could return (Num 35:28). See Seebass, Horst, Numeri. 3. Teilband Numeri 22,2–36,13 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2007) 445–46Google Scholar. It will, therefore, be assumed here that this legislation is focused on male inadvertent killers.

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5 See Ruwe, “Das Zusammenwirken,” 215; Matties, Joshua, 325, 330.

6 In texts where no specific time frame is mentioned, it is reasonable to assume that a quick remedy to an offense or impurity was thought of as being ideal (see, e.g., Eccl 8:11).

7 It is assumed here that Num 35:9–34 is levitical/priestly material. See Nihan, Christophe, “The Priestly Laws of Numbers, the Holiness Legislation, and the Pentateuch,” in Torah and the Book of Numbers (ed. Frevel, Christian, Pola, Thomas, and Schart, Aaron; FAT II 62; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013) 109–37Google Scholar, at 118–19; Westbrook, Raymond, “Reflections on the Law of Homicide in the Ancient World,” Maarav 13 (2006) 145–74Google Scholar, at 163–72; Stackert, Rewriting, 57–96; Traulsen, Das sakrale Asyl, 57–63; Ruwe, “Das Zusammenwirken,” 209–18; Budd, Numbers, 382–83; Milgrom, Numbers, 504–9.

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9 This statement accounts for all possible scenarios. Several more specific observations, however, are called for. If the high priest came to bear the sin/impurity of the killing prior to his death, there would have been no need for the killer, having been relieved of it, to remain in asylum (see Stackert, Rewriting, 92–96), and the priest's ability to come into contact with the sacred in the course of his duties would presumably have been problematic. If the high priest did not bear the sin/impurity prior to his death, any association between him and the sin/impurity-bearing killer would probably have been problematic and avoided. Thus, it seems likely that, if a killer/priest relationship was going to be established, this could only have happened at the time of the priest's death or thereafter. However, as noted, there is no indication of this.

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17 No matter how long or short a confinement was, and regardless of the reason for its duration, kin groups and killers might still have been resentful and vengeful. The point here is that treating the release as a purely administrative matter would not have mollified those sentiments and could have encouraged them.

18 See Pope, M. H., “Seven, Seventh, Seventy,” IDB, 4:294–95Google Scholar, at 295; Boring, M. Eugene, “Seven, Seventh, Seventy,” NIDB, 5:197–99Google Scholar, at 198; Otto, E., “עבַשֶׁ šeḇa‛; תוֹעוּבשָׁ šāḇû‛ôṯ,” TDOT, 336–67, at 344–60Google Scholar.

19 Stackert identifies “several thematic and lexical connections” between Lev 25 and Num 35, and argues that Lev 25 was a “generative text” for the author of Num 35. See Stackert, Rewriting, 88–90. See also Weinfeld, Social Justice, 126; Ruwe, “Das Zusammenwirken,” 215–16.

20 Jackson, Bernard S., “Justice and Righteousness in the Bible: Rule of Law or Royal Paternalism,” ZABR 4 (1998) 218–62Google Scholar, at 230–31; Nelson, Richard D., Joshua: A Commentary (OTL; Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1997) 231Google Scholar; Levine, Baruch A., Numbers 21–36: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 4A; New York: Doubleday, 2000) 558Google Scholar; Creach, Jerome F. D., Joshua (Interpretation; Louisville, KY: John Knox, 2003) 105Google Scholar; Boling, Robert G., Joshua: A New Translation with Notes and Commentary (AB 6; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1982) 474Google Scholar; Noth, Martin, Numbers: A Commentary (trans. Martin, James D.; OTL; Philadelphia, PA: Westminster, 1968) 255Google Scholar; Baentsch, Bruno, Exodus-Leviticus-Numeri (HKAT I.2; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1903) 695Google Scholar; Schneider, Heinrich, Numeri (EB 14.3; Würzberg: Echter, 1952) 9192Google Scholar; Delekat, Lienhard, Asylie und Schutzorakel am Zionheiligtum. Eine Untersuchung zu den privaten Feindpsalmen (Leiden: Brill, 1967) 301–2Google Scholar; Staubli, Die Bücher Levitikus, 345; Ruwe, “Das Zusammenwirken,” 209–10, 214; Burnside, God, 269–70; Nelson, Raising, 13; Vasholz, “Israel's Cities of Refuge,” 118; Driver, “The Release of Homicides,” 20; Matties, Joshua, 325; Clarke, “Cities,” 127; Budd, Numbers, 382; Weinfeld, Social Justice, 126.

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22 Jackson, Bernard S., Wisdom-Laws: A Study of the Mishpatim of Exodus 21:1–22:16 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006) 138Google Scholar n. 104; Whitelam, Keith W., The Just King: Monarchical Judicial Authority in Ancient Israel (JSOTSup 12; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1979) 144Google Scholar; van Oeveren, Benjamin, De vrijsteden in het Oude Testament (Kampen: Kok, 1968) 168Google Scholar; Kaufman, Yehezkel, The Religion of Israel: From Its Beginnings to the Babylonian Exile (ed. and trans. Moshe Greenberg; Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1960) 186Google Scholar; Ashley, The Book of Numbers, 654; Greenberg, “The Biblical Conception,” 127; Clarke, “Cities,” 127; Barmash, Homicide, 102; Traulsen, Das sakrale Asyl, 59; Gispen, Het Boek Numeri, 304.

23 Jackson, “Justice,” 230–31.

24 The description of this explanation consists of quotes and close paraphrases from Westbrook, Raymond, Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Law (CahRB 26; Paris: Gabalda, 1988) 8182Google Scholar. See also Jackson, Wisdom-Laws, 138–39 n. 105. Westbrook notes that the explanation comes from the unpublished doctoral dissertation by Peretz Segal, entitled “Liability Under Divine Jurisdiction: The Death Penalty by a Human Court and ‘Divine Hand’,” (PhD diss., Hebrew University, 1986). I did not have access to Segal's dissertation. Haas works along the line that the high priest is the symbolic locus of pollution, though for him the high priest is not a local high priest; Haas, “Die,” 83.

25 Butler, Trent C., Joshua (WBC 7; Waco, TX: Word, 1983) 217Google Scholar; Delekat, Asylie, 302–20; Weinfeld, Social Justice, 126.

26 Westbrook, Raymond, “The Quality of Freedom in Neo-Babylonian Manumissions,” RA 98 (2004) 101–8Google Scholar, quote from 103. Cf. Sosin, Joshua D., “Manumission with Paramone: Conditional Freedom?,” TAPA 145 (2015) 325–81Google Scholar; Zelnick-Abramovitz, Rachel, Not Wholly Free: The Concept of Manumission and the Status of Manumitted Slaves in the Ancient Greek World (Mnemosyne Supplement 266; Leiden: Brill, 2005) 222–48CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Samuel, Alan E., “The Role of Paramone Clauses in Ancient Documents,” JJP 15 (1965) 221311Google Scholar; Westermann, William Linn, “The Paramone as General Service Contract,” JJP 2 (1948) 950Google Scholar.

27 Delekat, Asylie, 316–20.

28 See, e.g., Exod 28:41; 29:7, 29, 36; 30:26–30; 40:9–15; Lev 6:13 [Eng. 20]; 7:36; 8:10–12; 10:7; 16:32–33; Num 7:1, 10, 84, 88). Porter, J. Roy, “Oil in the Old Testament,” in The Oil of Gladness: Anointing in the Christian Tradition (ed. Dudley, Martin and Rowell, Geoffrey; London: SPCK and Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 1993) 3545, esp. 36–37Google Scholar.

29 Maier, Gerhard, Das vierte Buch Mose (Wuppertaler Studienbibel. Reihe Altes Testament; Wuppertal: Brockhaus, 1989) 473Google Scholar; Ridderbos, “Cities,” 207; Leggett, The Levirate, 129; Oeveren, De vrijsteden, 169–70; Gispen, Het Boek Numeri, 304. For similar thinking, though without mentioning the tribe of Levi or the levitical character of the cities of refuge, see Cazelles, Henri, Les Nombres (2nd rev. ed.; Paris: Cerf, 1958) 153Google Scholar; Horst, Friedrich, “Recht und Religion im Bereich des Alten Testament,” EvT 16 (1956) 4975, at 60Google Scholar; Lohse, Eduard, Märtyrer und Gottesknecht. Untersuchungen zur urchristlichen Verkündigung vom Sühntod Jesu Christi (2nd ed.; FRLANT Neue Folge 46 = Der ganzen Folge 64; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1963) 6466Google Scholar. Note that Delekat, in developing his theory about a paramone-like relationship, mentions and draws upon Lohse.

30 The structure presented here is essentially that of a rite of passage, which is “a series of rituals that conveys an individual from one social status to another,” and which generally consists “of three principal stages . . . (1) separation of the individuals involved from their preceding social state; (2) a period of transition in which they are neither one thing nor the other; (3) a reintegration phase in which through various rites of incorporation they are absorbed into their new social state” (Davis-Floyd, Robbie, “Rites of Passage,” in International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences [ed. Darity, William A. Jr.; 2nd ed.; 9 vols.; Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2008] 7:256–59Google Scholar, at 256 and 257). See also Garwood, Paul, “Rites of Passage,” in The Oxford Handbook of the Archaeology of Ritual and Religion (ed. Insoll, Timothy; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011) 261–84Google Scholar; Turner, Terence S., “Transformation, Hierarchy and Transcendence: A Reformulation of Van Gennep's Model of the Structure of Rites de Passage,” in Secular Ritual (ed. Moore, Sally F. and Myerhoff, Barbara G.; Assen: Van Gorcum, 1977) 5370Google Scholar.

31 Willis, Timothy M., The Elders of the City: A Study of the Elder-Laws in Deuteronomy (SBLMS 55; Atlanta: SBL, 2001) 135Google Scholar; Maier, Das vierte Buch Mose, 473–74; Burnside, God, 265. On the concept of equalization and social balance in Israelite social and legal thought, see Barton, John, Ethics in Ancient Israel (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014) 105–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; von Soosten, Joachim, “Die ‘Erfindung’ der Sünde: Soziologische und semantische Aspekte zu der Rede von der Sünde im alttestamentlichen Sprachgebrauch,” Jahrbuch für biblische Theologie 9 (1994) 87110Google Scholar. Equalization for the intentional killer and killable inadvertent killer came through their deaths.

32 Quote from Barmash, Homicide, 175; see pages 154–77 for her full discussion on lex talionis. See also Rothkamm, Jan, Talio esto. Recherches sur les origines de la formule ‘œil pour œil, dent pour dent’ dans les droits du Proche-Orient ancien, et sur son devenir dans le monde gréco-romain (BZAW 426; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2011) xi–xxiii, 83–88Google Scholar; Jacobs, Sandra, The Body as Property: Physical Disfigurement in Biblical Law (LHBOTS 582; London: Bloomsbury, 2014) 68189Google Scholar; Otto, Eckhart, Kontinuum und Proprium. Studien zur Sozial- und Rechtsgeschichte des Alten Orients und des Alten Testaments (Orientalia Biblica et Christiana 8; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996) 224–45Google Scholar; Barton, Ethics, 105–9; Burnside, God, 275–82.

33 On the representative function of the anointed priest, see Schwartz, Baruch J., “Leviticus: Introduction and Annotations,” in The Jewish Study Bible (ed. Berlin, Adele and Brettler, Marc Zvi; 2nd ed.; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014) 202Google Scholar; Hoffmann, David, Das Buch Leviticus (2 vols.; Berlin, M. Poppelauer, 1905) 1:176–77Google Scholar; Rooke, Zadok's Heirs, 22–23; Kleinig, Leviticus, 338; Hartley, Leviticus, 59; Rendtorff, Leviticus 1,1–10,20, 152–54; Gorman, The Ideology of Ritual, 71, 91–102; Watts, Leviticus 1–10, 330–31. Regarding the representational/expiatory activities of the high priest, in the expiation explanation, the high priest functioned as an object which died in place of the killer, and/or which carried the bloodguilt/impurity of the killing away with it when it died. Israelite priests, however, only ever functioned as subjects, who facilitated, managed, and acted in ritual processes which benefited offerers by carrying sin/impurity away (see section II.A, fourth point); this is how the high priest is understood to function here.

34 If an inadvertent killer residing in a city of refuge died before the high priest died, this would simply have indicated that the inadvertent killer's natural lifespan had ended before the victim's natural lifespan would have ended.

35 It might be argued that a victim's kin group/avenger might not have believed or accepted the idea that the portion of the victim's natural life which had been lost was only one day (or some other short duration). It is assumed here, however, that the kin group/avenger would have understood that life was fragile, and that death, natural or otherwise, could happen at any time (see, e.g., Num 6:9; 2 Kgs 4:17–20). After all, they had not expected the victim to die on the day he actually did.