l Dibelius, M., Der Brief des Jakobus, ed. and suppl. by Greeven, H. (Meyers Krit.-ex. Komtn., Göttingen, 1964 11), 161–63.
2 Thus Mayor, J. B., The Epistle of St. James (London, 1910 3), ad loc; Ropes, J. H., Epistle of St. James (ICC, New York, 1916),ad loc; Windisch, H., Die Katholischen Briefe, ed. by Preisker, (HNT, Tübingen, 1951 3),ad loc; and Dibelius, op. cit., ad loc.
3 Easton, B. S., The Epistle of James, The Interpreter's Bible, vol. 12 (New York, 1957),ad loc. Easton believed that the example would be more at home in the context of the Jewish synagogue service, and he sees this as contributing evidence for the Jewish origin of James—following Meyer, A., Das Rätsel des Jacobusbriefes (Beihefte zur ZNW. 10, Giessen, 1930).
4 Reicke, B., Diakonie, Festfreude und Zelos (Uppsala, 1951), 342f.; also idem, The Epistles of James, Peter and Jude (The Anchor Bible 37, Garden City, N.Y., 1964), ad loc. Reicke offers support for this view by noting that members of the Equestrian Order at Rome had the right to wear a gold ring (cf. Epictetus, Disc. IV, 1, 37-40). But many others wore rings (cf. Epictetus, Disc. I, 22, 18) —including Jews (Luke 15:22).
5 , Dibelius, op. cit., 58–66, 168.
7 Mussner, F., Der Jakobusbrief (Herders Komm., Freiburg, 1964), ad loc.
8 Ibid., ad loc. Dibelius did not note this problem.
9 The singular irruxis must refer back to πτωχóѕ in 2:2, 3 —as Mussner agrees.
The internalizing interpretation is also at odds with the whole treatment of the subject in 2:1-13, which goes beyond “attitudes.” The plural, προσωπολημψίαι (2:1), must refer to acts of partiality, and the final exhortation is οῠτωѕ λαλεῖτε καì οῠτωѕ ποιεῖτε… (2:12).
10 Massebieau, L., L'Épître de Jacques. Est-elle l'oeuvre d'un Chrétien? Revue de I'Histoire des Religions 32 (1895), 249–83.
11 Spitta, F., Zur Geschichte und Literatur des Urchristentums, vol. 2 (Gottingen, 1896).
12 Midrash Raboth (Warsaw, 1876); Eng. tr. by Cohen, A. in Midrash Rabbah, vol. 7 (London, 1938), ad loc.
13 Der Babylonische Talmud (ed. by Goldschmidt, L., Berlin and Leipzig, 1879-1909); Eng. tr. by Silverstone, A. E. in The Babylonian Talmud (London, 1935), ad loc.
14 Sifra (ed. by Weiss, I. H., Vienna, 1862); Eng. tr. by Montefiore, C. G. and Loewe, H., A Rabbinic Anthology (New York, 1938), no. 1028.
15 Aboth de Rabbi Nathan (ed. Schechter, S., London, 1887); Eng. tr. byGoldin, J., The Fathers according to Rabbi Nathan (New Haven, 1955), ad loc.
16 The saying of R. Judah is given as a tradition which he had received: (Sifra and Deut. R.); (Tosefta, Sanh.). Cf. also Moore, G. F., Judaism, vol. 2 (Cambridge, Mass., 1927), 182.
17 STR.-B. III, ad loc, quotes the saying of Raba b. Huna (2nd generation Amoraite) in Sheb. 30b and cites Sheb. 31a. Marty, J., L'Épître de Jacques (Paris, 1935),ad loc, also cites Sheb. 31a, but it does not inform his exegesis of James 2:2, 3. The rabbinic passages which speak of sitting and standing have gone altogether unnoticed.
18 Clothes worth one hundred manehs would represent fine raiment indeed—i.e., worth 10,000 denarii or 2,500 shekels.
19 Cf. Sheb. 30a; also Moore, loc. cit. This was common judicial practice also for other peoples; cf. Schneider, C., Twnt, vol. 3 (Stuttgart, 1938), 445. But I have found no examples in Greek sources which speak of partiality in judging in terms of sitting and standing.
20 Thus some mss. read έπί instead of ύπό (P 33 614 al).
21 Understood as the “Messiah” later in Judaism and Christianity.
22 The word συναγωγ was a general term and was used in a variety of settings.
Thus it occurs in Greek inscriptions, e.g., the assembly of auditors (Ditten-Berger, W., Sig 391.5 [5th cent.]), the assembly of commissioners (SIC 736.49 [1st cent. B.C.E.]). It occurs in the LXX to designate, inter al., legal assemblies (Ex. 35:1, rendering הדע). Both at Qumran and in early Christian literature there are references to legal assemblies (IQSa i.25; Matt. 18:17; 1 Cor. 5:4 — συναχθέντωνύμν). In rabbinic literature the court is most often called the ןיד היב, butהדע is also used with the meaning of “court”(e.g., Sanh. I, 6 — הדע; Tosefta Sanh. XII, 3 — ).
23 Ropes, op. cit., ad loc.
24 Ibid. Cf. also Mayor, op. cit., ad loc; Büchsel, F., Twnt, vol. 3, 949.
25 It occurs with this meaning first in the NT; cf. Bauer, W., A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament (Chicago, 1957),s. v. 2b —but Bauer lists James 2:4 under the meaning, “to doubt, waver.”
26 This meaning is attested from , Homer (Od. 8, 195) on. Cf. 4 Mace. 1:14; , Josephus, Bell. I. 27; 1 Cor. 4:7; Ep. Diog. 5:1; etc.. It continues to be used with this meaning in Christian writings, e.g., “to distinguish”the persons of the trinity; cf. Lampe, G. W. H., A Patristic Greek Lexicon (Oxford, 1961—), s. v.
27 This is its normal meaning in the LXX, where it renders, inter al., (EX. 18:16; ψ81:1; etc.) and (ψ49:4; Zech. 3:8; etc.). Thus also 1 Cor. 11:29, 31; cf. Moule, C. F. D., The Judgment Theme in the Sacraments, in Davies, W. D. and Daube, D. (eds.), The New Testament Background and its Eschatology (Cambridge, 1954), 464–81.
28 The fact that διακαΡίνειν in James 1:6 means “to doubt” does not demand that it have the same meaning in 2:4. This same word occurs in Jude 9 with the meaning “to contend,” and in Jude 22 with the meaning “to doubt”; cf. , Dibeuus, op. cit., 169. Cf. also Rom. 13:13, 14, where διώκειν is used twice, once with the meaning “to pursue,” and once, “to persecute.”
29 In this case έπιβλέπειν means a favorable attitude—as was recognized by Ropes. Cf. also Mark 12:14; Matt. 22:16 — βλέπειν ειѕ πρόσωπον άνθρώπων, for which Luke 20:21 has λαμβάνειν πρóσωπον.
30 Diodorus Comicus (apud , Athenaeus, Deipnosophists VI, 239b) —oύχί διακρίναѕ τ πενιχρàν πλονσἰαν; Herodotus III, 39; Acts 15:9 —ούθν διέκρινεν μεταξừημ τε καì αύτ (cf. 10:34).
31 Cf. my The Communal Concern of the Epistle of James (Harvard Th.D. Thesis, 1966), 41ft.
32 Διαλογισμóѕ is use d as a legal technical term meaning “decision”; Bgu 19 I, 13; 226, 22; P Tebt. 27:35; cf. Ep. Arist. 232.
33 , Dibelius, op. cit., 168: “in unserem Beispiel Reicher wie Armer nicht in der Gemeinde heimisch zu sein scheinen, da man ihnen Platze zuweist.”
34 In Didascalia 30:6-13 and Apostolic Constitutions II. 58.6 —passages which bear some resemblance to James 2:2, 3 —it is stated that the poor person who visits the assembly (for worship) finds no place (locus non fuerit; τóποѕ оύχύπáρχει). But in James 2:2, 3 there is no hint that the two men are at a loss as to where to sit; rather, they are simply given the instructions, “You sit here…”
35 Dibelius has been criticized on this point, inter al., by Aland, K., Der Herrenbruder Jakobus und der Jacobusbrief, Tlz 69 (1944), 102, and more recently by Soucek, J. B., Zu den Problemen des Jakobusbrief, Evan. Theol. 18 (1958), 464.
36 Conzelmann, H., The Theology of St. Luke (New York, 1960), 233, argues that the poverty motif belongs to Luke's sources, not to his own theology.
37 Cf. Cross, F. M. Jr, The Ancient Library of Qumran (New York, 1961 2), 84f; Schubert, K., The Dead Sea Community (London, 1959), 85–88.
38 It is possible that the author, informed by a judicial tradition, composed the example with relative freedom — in which case both the choice of πτωχóѕ and the absence of πλούσιοѕ would be due directly to the author. Nevertheless, the formal similarity between the example in James and the rabbinic instructions do not allow us to speak simply of “free composition.”
39 , Dibeijus, op. cit., 71, pointed to the conventicle ethic of James. , Soucek, art. cit., 466, spoke of the author's concern for the “Lebenssolidarität”of the church. Cf. my The Communal Concern of the Epistle of James.