Was there a “Q community”? There are many who think that any quest for a “Q community” is a fool's errand. In this paper, I revisit this vexing question by focusing on several distinctive textual coordinates with which we can map Q's author within the social, textual, and theological landscape(s) of Second Temple Judaism. Since the author of Q was capable of crafting innovative scriptural allusions and adapting inherited Jesus traditions, I suggest that Q is not an isolated “Galilean” phenomenon but a textual production that combines Galilean Jesus traditions in conversation with contemporary Jewish apocalyptic traditions and can be located alongside the wider “Essenic” networks that pre-dated and co-existed with the Palestinian Jewish Jesus movement.
This article represents an expanded version of a paper presented in the Q Section of the Annual Meeting of the SBL, Atlanta, GA, 21 November 2015. I would like to thank Alan Kirk and Daniel Smith for the invitation. I would also like to thank the two anonymous reviewers for HTR for their constructive criticism and comments.
1 Dunn, James D. G., “Jesus in Oral Memory: The Initial Stages of the Jesus Tradition,” SBLSP 39 (2000) 324–25. Michaud, Jean-Paul, “Quelle(s) communauté(s) derrière la source Q?,” in The Sayings Source Q and the Historical Jesus (ed. Lindemann, A.; BETL 158; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2001) 577–606 , suggests that “cette ‘soi-disant communauté Q’” in modern discussions may be little more than a modern academic invention (605).
2 This article presupposes the theoretical validity of the Two-Source Hypothesis. For a recent methodological discussion, see Bazzana, Giovanni, Kingdom of Bureaucracy: The Political Theology of Village Scribes in the Sayings Gospel Q (BETL 274; Leuven: Peeters, 2015) 2–3 .
3 Schwartz, Seth, Imperialism and Jewish Society, 200 B.C.E. to 640 C.E. (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001) 9 .
4 Gal 1:18–19, 1:22; 1 Thess 2:14; Rom 15:26.
5 Stowers, Stanley, “The Concept of ‘Community’ and the History of Early Christianity,” MTSR 23.3 (2011) 238–56.
6 Ibid., 242.
7 Ibid., 245–46.
8 Ibid., 249.
9 Anderson, Jeff S., “From ‘Communities of Texts’ to Religious Communities: Problems and Pitfalls,” in Enoch and Qumran Origins: New Light on a Forgotten Connection (ed. Boccaccini, G.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2005) 353 .
10 Stowers, “The Concept of ‘Community,’” 249–50.
11 Verbin, John S. Kloppenborg, Excavating Q: The History and Setting of the Sayings Gospel (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 2000) 170–71.
12 On scribal interpretation, see Schams, Christine, Jewish Scribes in the Second-Temple Period (JSOT Sup 291; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998); Crenshaw, James L., Education in Ancient Israel: Across the Deadening Silence (ABRL; New York: Doubleday, 1998) 4 .
13 Hezser, Catherine, Jewish Literacy in Roman Palestine (TSAJ 81; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001).
14 Schams, Jewish Scribes in the Second-Temple Period, 309–27.
15 Ibid., 327.
16 Ibid., 321.
17 Ibid., 315.
18 Ibid., 316.
19 Ibid., 317.
20 Ibid., 313.
21 Keith, Chris, Jesus Against the Scribal Elite: The Origins of the Conflict (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2014).
22 Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 256; Arnal, William E., “The Q Document,” in Jewish Christianity Reconsidered: Rethinking Ancient Groups and Texts (ed. Jackson-McCabe, Matt; Minneapolis: Fortress, 2007) 129 ; Cromhout, Markus, Jesus and Identity: Reconstructing Judean Ethnicity in Q (Matrix: TBMC; Eugene: Cascade, 2007) 260 ; Tuckett, Christopher M., “Q and the ‘Church’: The Role of the Christian Community within Judaism according to Q,” in From the Sayings to the Gospels (WUNT 328; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014) 219–31; cf. Q in Context I: The Separation between the Just and the Unjust in Early Judaism and in the Sayings Source (ed. M. Tiwald; BBB 172; Bonn: Bonn University Press, 2015).
23 Luke 14:5 is not regarded as “Q” material in CEQ.
24 Q 9:59–60; cf. Tuckett, Christopher, “Q and Family Ties,” in Metaphor, Narrative, and Parables in Q (ed. Roth, D. T., et al.; WUNT 315; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014) 57–71 .
25 Kloppenborg, John S., Q: The Earliest Gospel: An Introduction to the Original Stories and Sayings of Jesus (Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2008).
26 Patterson, Stephen J., The Lost Way: How Two Forgotten Gospels Are Rewriting the Story of Christian Origins (San Francisco: HarperOne, 2014) 45–83 , for example, refers to Q as “The Galilean Gospel” based on Q's use of several Galilean place-names (65–66).
27 Mark 1:21–39, 14:27, 16:6–7; Matt 4:23, 28:10; Luke 4:16–30, 31–44; John 2:1. Schröter, Jens, “Jerusalem und Galiläa. Überlegungen zur Verhältnisbestimmung von Pluralität und Kohärenz für die Konstruktion einer Geschichte des Urchristentums,” in Jesus und die Anfänge der Christologie. Methodologische und exegetische Studien zu den Ursprüngen des christlichen Glaubens (BThSt 47; Neukirchener: Neukirchen-Vluyn, 2001) 180–219, at 217.
28 Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 167–71; Reed, Jonathan, “The Social Map of Q,” in Conflict and Invention: Literary, Rhetorical and Social Studies on the Sayings Gospel Q (ed. Kloppenborg, John S.; Valley Forge, PA: Trinity Press International, 2004) 17–36 , at 18.
29 For critique, see Pearson, Birger A., “A Q Community in Galilee?,” NTS 50.4 (2004) 476–94. Cf. Taylor, Nicholas H., “Q and Galilee?” Neotestamentica 37 (2003) 306 : “Geographical allusions to Galilee . . . reflect the setting of the historical ministry of Jesus rather than that of Q.”
30 Horsley, Richard A. with Draper, Jonathan A., Whoever Hears You: Prophets, Performance, and Tradition in Q (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 1999) 294 ; Hurtado, Larry W., Lord Jesus Christ: Devotion to Jesus in Earliest Christianity (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2003) 255 n. 95.
31 Theissen, Gerd, The Gospels in Context: Social and Political History in the Synoptic Tradition (trans. Maloney, L. M.; Minneapolis: Fortress, 1991).
32 Marco Frenschkowski, “Galiläa oder Jerusalem? Die Topographischen und Politischen Hintergründe der Logienquelle,” in The Sayings Source Q and the Historical Jesus, 535–59. Zangenberg, J. K., “From the Galilean Jesus to the Galilean Silence: Earliest Christianity in the Galilee until the Fourth Century CE,” in The Rise and Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries of the Common Era (ed. Schröter, J. and Rothschild, C. K.; WUNT 301; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013) 75–108 , at 83 n. 15; Pearson, “A Q Community in Galilee?,” 492.
33 Havener, Ivan, Q: The Sayings of Jesus (GNS 19; Wilmington, DE: Michael Glazier, 1987) 42–45 ; Allison, Dale C. Jr., The Jesus Tradition in Q (Valley Forge, PA: Trinity Press International, 1997) 53 ; Reed, Jonathan L., Archaeology and the Galilean Jesus: A Re-examination of the Evidence (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 2000) 177 ; Cromhout, Jesus and Identity, 231.
34 Rollens, Sarah E., Framing Social Criticism in the Jesus Movement: The Ideological Project in the Sayings Gospel Q (WUNT II.374; Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2014) 102 , concedes that “Jerusalem is not impossible,” but suggests that “Q simply does not treat this city as a place in which it experiences routine activities or familiar faces,” settling on Capernaum because “Q's authors have an intimate familiarity with relatively obscure Galilean towns” (103).
35 Schenk, W., “Die Verwünschung der Küstenorte Q 10, 13–15; Zur Funktion der konkreten Ortsangaben und zur Lokalisierung von Q,” in The Synoptic Gospels: Source Criticism and the New Literary Criticism (ed. Focant, C.; BETL 110; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1993) 477–90.
36 Schulz, Siegfried, Q: Spruchquelle der Evangelisten (Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1972) 481 . For the Decapolis, see Kloppenborg, John S., “Literary Convention, Self-Evidence, and the Social History of the Q People,” Semeia 55 (1991) 77–102 .
37 Q 7:1–10; Q 10:13–15.
38 John S. Kloppenborg, “Conflict and Invention: Recent Studies on Q,” in Conflict and Invention, 1–14, at 4, describes relying on these place-names as “an extraordinarily weak argument.”
39 Tödt, Heinz Eduard, The Son of Man in the Synoptic Tradition (trans. Barton, Dorothy M.; London: SCM, 1965).
40 Tödt, The Son of Man in the Synoptic Tradition, 268–69. See also Lührmann, Dieter, Die Redaktion der Logienquelle (WMANT 33; Neukirchener-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1969) 94–96 ; Kloppenborg, John S., “‘Easter Faith’ and the Sayings Gospel Q,” in The Apocryphal Jesus and Christian Origins = Semeia 49 (ed. Cameron, R.; Atlanta: Scholars, 1990) 71–99 .
41 Robinson, James M., “Introduction,” in The Sayings Gospel Q in Greek and English, with Parallels from the Gospels of Mark and Thomas (ed. Robinson, J. M., Hoffmann, P., Kloppenborg, J. S.; Minneapolis: Fortress, 2002) 11–72 , at 48 [emphasis added].
42 Hoffmann, Paul, “Jesusverkündigung in der Logienquelle,” in Jesus in den Evangelien (ed. Blinzler, J. and Pesch, W.; SBS 45; Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1970) 64–65 .
43 Hoffmann, Paul, Studien zur Theologie der Logienquelle (NA 8; Münster: Aschendorff, 1982) 10 .
44 Harnack, Adolf, The Sayings of Jesus: The Second Source of St. Matthew and St. Luke (trans. Wilkinson, J. R.; NTS 2; London: Williams & Norgate, 1908) 171 .
45 Ibid., 188.
46 Kloppenborg, “Literary Convention,” 85.
47 Kloppenborg, “Conflict and Invention,” 5–6; Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 200.
48 Vaage, Leif E., “How I Stopped Being A Q-Scholar,” in Scribal Practices and Social Structures Among Jesus Adherents: Essays in Honour of John S. Kloppenborg (ed. Arnal, W. E., Ascough, R. S., Derrenbacker, R. A. Jr., and Harland, P. A.; BETL 285; Leuven: Peeters, 2016) 213–31, at 222, rightly notes that The Formation of Q does not depend “in any way on one kind of historical subject having been the agent of the observed discursive patterns.”
49 Kloppenborg, “Literary Convention,” 84 [emphasis added].
50 Ibid., 85.
51 Ibid., 90–91.
52 Ibid., 94.
53 Ibid., 99.
54 Ibid., 100 [emphasis added].
55 Arnal, William E., Jesus and the Village Scribes: Galilean Conflicts and the Setting of Q (Minnapolis: Fortress, 2001); idem, “The Trouble with Q,” Forum 3 (2013) 7–79.
56 Bazzana, Kingdom of Bureaucracy, 85–117, surveying ἐκβάλλω (“dispatch”) (Q 10:2), οἰκετεία (“household slaves”) (Q 12:42), and θησαυρός (“treasure/storeroom”) (Q 6:45; Q 12:33–34).
57 Bazzana, Kingdom of Bureaucracy, 9, 12. Cf. Arnal, “The Trouble with Q,” 62: “Do we have direct and reliable evidence for the existence, specifically in Galilee, of the office of κωµογραµµατεύς? No, in fact, we do not.”
58 Bazzana, Kingdom of Bureaucracy, 165 [emphasis added].
59 Renan, Ernest, Vie de Jésus (Paris: Michael Levy, 1871 ).
60 Arnal, William, The Symbolic Jesus: Historical Scholarship, Judaism, and the Construction of Contemporary Identity (London: Equinox, 2005) 21 .
61 Reed, Archaeology, 6. For examples, see Bauer, Walter, “Jesus der Galiläer,” in Aufsätze und Kleine Schriften (ed. Strecker, G.; Tübingen: Mohr, 1967) 91–108 ; Grundmann, Walter, Jesus der Galiläer und das Judentum (Leipzig: Wigand, 1940). For criticism, see Heschel, Susannah, The Aryan Jesus: Christian Theologians and the Bible in Nazi Germany (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008); Head, Peter, “The Nazi Quest for an Aryan Jesus,” JSHJ 2 (2004) 55–89 .
62 Lohmeyer, Ernst, Galiläa und Jerusalem (FRLANT 34; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1936).
63 Chancey, Mark A., The Myth of a Gentile Galilee (SNTS MS 118: Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2002) 170–74.
64 Ibid., 5.
65 Moxnes, Halvor, “When did Jesus become a Galilean? Revisiting the Historical Jesus debate of the Nineteenth Century,” in Jesus – Gestalt und Gestaltungen. Rezeption des Galiläers in Wissenschaft, Kirche und Gesellschaft. FS Gerd Theißen (ed. von Gemünden, P., Horrell, D. G., and Küchler, M.; NTOASUNT 100; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2013) 391–409, at 407.
66 Hurtado, Lord Jesus Christ, 217–57, at 217.
67 King, Karen L., “Factions, Variety, Diversity, Multiplicity: Representing Early Christian Differences for the 21st Century,” MTSR 23 (2011) 217–37.
68 Robinson, James M., “The Critical Edition of Q and the Study of Jesus,” in The Sayings Source and the Historical Jesus (ed. Lindemann, A.; BETL 158; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2001) 2–52 , at 27 n. 5: “The location of the Q movement remains quite conjectural.”
69 Kloppenborg, “Conflict and Invention,” 4.
70 John Kloppenborg did not seem to originally identify Q 16:18 in any stratum (in The Formation of Q), but subsequently added Q 16:16, 18 to “the earliest level of Q” (Excavating Q, 146).
71 See especially Allison, Dale C. Jr., The Intertextual Jesus: Scripture in Q (Harrisburg, PA: Trinity Press International, 2000).
72 Kloppenborg, “Literary Convention,” 97.
73 Robbins, C. Michael, The Testing of Jesus in Q (SBL 108; New York: Peter Lang, 2007) 158 , argues that “the absence of God in the world is paraded, effecting both an indictment of the temple and its ministry.” Olegs Andrejevs, “Q 10:21–22 and Formative Christology” (Ph.D. diss., Loyola University Chicago, 2013) 138–39, notes that “some accounting appears necessary for the fact that the devil can be present within the temple's sacred confines,” concluding that the text represents “a polemic against the Jerusalem temple establishment” (142).
74 Hultgren, Arland J., The Rise of Normative Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1994) 37 .
75 Frenschkowski, “Galiläa oder Jerusalem?,” 548, notes that “Q enthält scharfe Jerusalemkritik, die sich gut aus der angespannten Lage der Jerusalemer Gemeinde erklären läßt” (549). Frenschkowski concludes that “Q ist ein, vielleicht sogar das entscheidende Dokument der Jerusalemer Urgemeinde . . . Q wurde in Jerusalem gesammelt und zusammengestellt – wenn auch aus galilāischem Traditionsgut” (549).
76 Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 379.
77 Smith, Daniel A., The Post-Mortem Vindication of Jesus in the Sayings Gospel Q (LNTS 338; London: T&T Clark, 2006).
78 On Q's view of Jesus's death as non-salvific, see Hoffmann, “Jesusverkündigung in der Logienquelle,” 64–65; Tuckett, Christopher M., Q and the History of Early Christianity: Studies on Q (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1996) 220–21; Lührmann, Redaktion, 94–97; Koester, Helmut, Ancient Christian Gospels: Their History and Development (Philadelphia: Trinity, 1999) 160 ; Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 374.
79 Kirk, Alan, “The Memory of Violence and the Death of Jesus in Q,” in Memory, Tradition, and Text: Uses of the Past in Early Christianity (ed. Kirk, A. and Thatcher, T.; SS 52; Atlanta: SBL Press, 2005) 191–206 .
80 Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 17.
81 Richard B. Vinson, review of Jesus and the Village Scribes, by Arnal, William, Int 56.3 (2002) 336 , finds the hypothesis “unpersuasive.” Cf. Dewey, Joanna, review of Jesus and the Village Scribes, ATR 85.1 (2003) 183–84; Pearson, “A Q Community in Galilee?,” 490 n. 59.
82 Arnal, Jesus and the Village Scribes, 151.
83 Horsley, Richard A., Jesus and the Spiral of Violence: Popular Jewish Resistance in Roman Palestine (New York: Harper & Row, 1987) 209–21.
84 Idem, Sociology and the Jesus Movement (New York: Crossroad, 1989) 117–23; Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 190–91.
85 Arnal, Jesus and the Village Scribes, 157; Horsley, Jesus and the Spiral of Violence, 209–21; Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, at 171, 211, 215.
86 Braun, Willi, “The Schooling of a Galilean Jesus Association,” in Redescribing Christian Origins (ed. Cameron, R. and Miller, M. P.; SBLSS 28; Atlanta: SBL Press, 2004) 43–65, at 48.
87 Kirk, Alan, The Composition of the Sayings Source: Genre, Synchrony, and Wisdom Redaction in Q (NovT Sup 91; Leiden: Brill, 1998) 399 .
88 Rollens, Sarah E., “Does ‘Q’ Have Any Representative Potential?” MTSR 23 (2011) 64–78, at 66.
89 Ibid., 66. Cf. Geertz, Clifford, The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays (New York: Basic Books, 1973) 90 .
90 Rollens, “Does ‘Q’ Have Any Representative Potential?,” 66–67.
91 Ibid., 67.
92 Ibid., 69.
93 Bazzana, Kingdom of Bureaucracy, 265 n. 6.
94 Rollens, “Does ‘Q’ Have Any Representative Potential?,” 77, constructs a “dichotomy” between “viewing a text as a symbolic window versus regarding it as a discursive product.”
95 Ibid., 75, 74.
96 Ibid., 66, 77.
97 Ibid., 69, maintains that Q still provides “important data about the authors” and “demand[s] a certain social location for its authors.”
98 Eusebius reports how the Jewish villages of Nazareth and Kokhabe were the homes of the Desposynoi (Hist. Eccl. 1.7.14–15). Epiphanius tells us that the Ναζαρήνοι lived in Beroea, Pella, and Kokhabe (in the Transjordan) (Pan. 29.7.7–8; 30.2.8) but originated in Jerusalem (29.7.7).
99 Piper, Ronald A., Wisdom in the Q Tradition: The Aphoristic Sayings of Jesus (SNTS MS 61; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).
100 Streeter, B. H., The Four Gospels: A Study in Origins (London: Macmillan, 1924) 230 , suggests that the sayings of Jesus were first preserved in Aramaic in Jerusalem and subsequently translated to reach a wider circulation, with “Q” being composed in Greek in Antioch.
101 Bazzana, Kingdom of Bureaucracy, 316.
102 Tuckett, Christopher M., “Scripture and Q,” in The Scriptures in the Gospels (ed. Tuckett, C. M.; BETL 131; Leuven: Peeters, 1997) 3–26, at 22.
103 Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 123 n.17.
104 Kloppenborg, John S., “The Sayings Gospel Q and the Quest of the Historical Jesus,” HTR 89 (1996) 307–44, at 330 n. 101. Cf. Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 405 n. 72: “It would appear that a synthesis of Isaian texts was already in circulation by the time of the composition of Q” [emphasis in original].
105 James M. Robinson, “The Sayings Gospel Q,” REL 484. Unpublished Instructor's Class Notes, Claremont Graduate School, Fall 1992, 5.
106 Ibid., 5.
107 Collins, John J., “The Works of the Messiah,” DSD 1 (1994) 98–112, at 107. VanderKam, James C., “The Dead Sea Scrolls and the New Testament,” BAR 41.2 (2015) 42–53 , 78–79, posits that 4Q521 and Q both drew from “shared traditions.”
108 Isa 26:19, 29:18–19, 35:5–6, 61:1.
109 Q's quotations (from the LXX) include Q 4:4 (cf. Deut 8:3); Q 4:8 (cf. Exod 20:8; Deut 6:13); Q 4:12 (cf. Deut 6:16); Q 7:22 (cf. Isa 29:18–19, 35:5–6, 42:6–7, 61:1–2); Q 7:27 (cf. Exod 23:20).
110 Sanders, E. P., The Historical Figure of Jesus (London: Allen Lane, 1993) 198 , identifies the divorce saying as “the best attested tradition” in the Gospels.
111 On the divorce sayings, see Fitzmyer, Joseph A., “The Matthean Divorce Texts and Some New Palestinian Evidence,” TS 37 (1976) 197–226 ; Levine, Amy-Jill, “Jesus, Divorce, and Sexuality: A Jewish Critique,” in The Historical Jesus through Catholic and Jewish Eyes (ed. le Beau, B. F.; Harrisburg: T&T Clark, 2000) 113–29.
112 Sanders, E. P., Jesus and Judaism (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985) 256–60.
113 Kloppenborg, John S., “Nomos and Ethos in Q,” in Gospel Origins and Christian Beginnings: In Honor of James M. Robinson (ed. Goehring, J. E., Sanders, J. T., and Hedrick, C. W.; Sonoma, CA: Polebridge, 1990) 35–48 , at 45.
114 Cf. Brooke, George J., “Shared Intertextual Interpretations in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the New Testament,” in Biblical Perspectives: Early Use and Interpretation of the Bible in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls (ed. Stone, M. E. and Chazon, E. G.; STDJ 28; Leiden: Brill, 1998) 35–57 .
115 Kosch, Daniel, Die eschatologische Tora des Menschensohnes. Untersuchungen zur Rezeption der Stellung Jesu zur Tora in Q (NTOA 12; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1989) 453 : “Q sieht zwischen den Forderungen Jesu und der Tora keinen Gegensatz, sondern Uebereinstimmung.”
116 Q 6:46 / Matt 7:24–27. See Allison, Dale C. Jr., “Q's New Exodus and the Historical Jesus,” in The Sayings Source Q and the Historical Jesus (ed. Lindemann, A.; BETL 158; Leuven: Peeters, 2001) 395–428 , at 423; Catchpole, David R., The Quest for Q (Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1993) 101–134 ; Tuckett, “Scripture in Q,” 25.
117 Han, Kyu Sam, Jerusalem and the Early Jesus Movement: The Q Community's Attitude Toward the Temple (JSNTSup 207; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002) 183 .
118 On early Christian non-participation in the Temple cult, see Hengel, Martin, The Atonement: The Origins of the Doctrine in the New Testament (trans. Bowden, J.; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1981) 56–57 ; Gaston, Lloyd, No Stone on Another: Studies in the Significance of the Fall of Jerusalem in the Synoptic Gospels (NovT Sup 23; Leiden: Brill, 1970) 240–41.
119 The Qumran community may have anticipated future sacrificial worship (1QM 2.5–6).
120 See esp. 11QT 51.11–15; CD 5.6–9; 1QpHab 8.10, 12.8–10; 1QS 5.6, 8.3, 9.4.
121 See, e.g., Kloppenborg, John S., The Formation of Q: Trajectories in Ancient Christian Wisdom Collections (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987); Piper, Wisdom in the Q-tradition.
122 Harrington, Daniel J., Wisdom Texts from Qumran (New York: Routledge, 1996); idem, “Ten Reasons Why the Qumran Wisdom Texts Are Important,” DSD 4 (1997) 245–54.
123 Elgvin, Torleif, “Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Early Second Century BCE – The Evidence of 4QInstruction,” in The Dead Sea Scrolls Fifty Years After Their Discovery: Proceedings of the Jerusalem Congress, July 20–25, 1997 (ed. Schiffman, L. H., Tov, E. and VanderKam, J. C.; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society / Shrine of the Book, Israel Museum, 2000) 226–47.
124 Goff, Matthew J., “Discerning Trajectories: 4QInstruction and the Sapiential Background of the Sayings Source Q,” JBL 124.4 (2005) 657–73.
125 On the Qumran/Essene identification, see Cross, Frank M., Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973) 331–32. For methodological caution, see Mason, Steve, “The Historical Problem of the Essenes,” in Celebrating the Dead Sea Scrolls: A Canadian Collection (ed. Flint, P. W., Duhaime, J., and Baek, K. S.; SBLEJL 30; Atlanta: SBL Press, 2011) 201–51.
126 Heschel, Susannah, Abraham Geiger and the Jewish Jesus (CSHJ; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998) 233 .
127 King, Karen L., “The Origins of Gnosticism and the Identity of Christianity,” in Was There a Gnostic Religion? (ed. Marjanen, A.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2005) 103–20.
128 On a “scribal school” at Qumran, see Tov, Emanuel, Scribal Practices and Approaches Reflected in the Texts Found in the Judean Desert (Leiden: Brill, 2004). On the knowledge of Greek at Qumran, see VanderKam, James C., “Greek at Qumran,” in Hellenism in the Land of Israel (ed. Collins, J. J. and Sterling, G. E.; CJA 13; Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2001) 175–81.
129 Braun, Willi, “Socio-Mythic Invention, Graeco-Roman Schools, and the Sayings Gospel Q,” MTSR 11.3 (1999) 225 , envisions “the social and the literary formation of Q in a school ‘space.’ That is, both the group and its document display an evident bent on investing in the power of text production . . . in response to the experience of displacement.”
130 Sandmel, Samuel, “Parallelomania,” JBL 81 (1962) 1–13 . Sandmel warned against extravagant claims of parallels but sought to “encourage” the quest for literary parallels, “especially in the case of the Qumran documents” and the New Testament (1) [emphasis added].
131 Johnson-DeBaufre, Melanie, Jesus among Her Children: Q, Eschatology, and the Construction of Christian Origins (HTS 55; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005) 42 , suggests that our readings should reflect “which of the diverse meanings of Christianity is both textually persuasive and ethically preferable for thinking about Christian identity in a diverse world.”
132 Kloppenborg Verbin, Excavating Q, 195.
133 Q 11:39–41, 11:42ab.
134 The Essenes numbered over four thousand men, women, and children in villages and towns (Antiquities of the Jews 18.1.5, 20–21; Quod Omnis Probus Liber Sit 75). Josephus describes the Essenes as living “in every town” (Jewish War 2.124; A.J. 13.31.1).
135 On the “Essene Gate,” see B.J. 5.145. On Judah (at the time of Antigonus), see B.J. 1.78-80; A.J. 13.311–313. On Menachem (at the time of Herod the Great), see A.J. 15.372–379. On Simon (during the reign of Archelaus), see B.J. 2.111; A.J. 17.345–348.
136 Stowers, “The Concept of ‘Community,’” 249 [emphasis added].
* This article represents an expanded version of a paper presented in the Q Section of the Annual Meeting of the SBL, Atlanta, GA, 21 November 2015. I would like to thank Alan Kirk and Daniel Smith for the invitation. I would also like to thank the two anonymous reviewers for HTR for their constructive criticism and comments.
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