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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 03 November 2011
A quarter of a century has now elapsed since the foundation of Toynbee Hall in the east of London inaugurated the “University Settlement” movement in the vast and then almost inchoate capital of the British Empire; and the present time seems therefore appropriate for an attempt to form some estimate of the past results and future possibilities of the movement, which soon spread to other towns of England and Scotland. Yet such an undertaking is beset with serious difficulties. Throughout the whole history of the settlements there is indeed apparent an essential identity of purpose, an underlying uniformity of motive; but the individual institutions have been the outcome of the action of various bodies of persons whose aims, as formally expressed, seem often very diverse; different groups have laid the main emphasis on different objects and methods, and what has been counted as triumphant success by one group has been deemed of relatively small importance by another. Further, the wide range of the activities of the settlements, the multifarious nature of their interests and work, render it practically impossible for any one observer to comprehend the whole in his single survey; and the selection which he must needs make tends almost inevitably to be determined, and it may be even unfairly biassed, by his own personal predilections. Within this narrower range, moreover, there is no certain standard by which to measure success or failure; the value of the work accomplished by a settlement is not to be judged solely, or even chiefly, by the statistics of its classes and clubs. If it has realized its objects, however imperfectly, it has exercised upon the surrounding community, in conjunction with all other institutions that in any way and by any means make for good, a subtle and permeating influence which has resulted in a progressive amelioration of social life; but, for the very reason that this achievement is the result of a number of co-operating forces, the share of the settlement therein cannot be isolated or defined with any exactitude.
1 It may be useful to give in this place the dates of the foundation of some of the settlements. In London: Toynbee Hall, 1885; Oxford House, 1887, with connected women's settlements later; the Women's University Settlement, Southwark, 1887; Mansfield House, 1890 (a women's settlement was established in 1892); Bermondsey Settlement (men and women), 1891; Newman House, 1891; Chalfont House, 1891; Browning Hall, 1894; Cambridge House, 1897 (following on a series of missions, with clubs and other societies, established by various Cambridge colleges and some public schools); and the Passmore Edwards Settlement (a new form of an older institution), 1897. Outside London: Chalmers (University) Settlement, Edinburgh, 1887; New College Settlement, Edinburgh, 1889; University Students' Settlement, Glasgow, 1889; Manchester University Settlement (men's and women's houses), 1895; Victoria Women's Settlement, Liverpool, 1897; the Birmingham Women's Settlement, 1899. The above list does not profess to be exhaustive; there are numerous other settlements, of various types, alike in London and elsewhere.
2 The “institutional churches,” as they are called,—the most conspicuous examples in London being Claremont and the Whitefield Tabernacle,—are carrying on work which in many respects closely resembles that of the settlements. They are churches around which have been built up a number of clubs and other societies for men, women, and children, the church remaining the centre and mainspring of the whole work. The tendency of such a church, as its work expands, to develop into something very akin to a regular settlement is exemplified by the history of Browning Hall; Claremont appears to be moving in the same direction.
3 It is perhaps desirable to point out again that the present article does not profess to attempt a complete or detailed survey—such an attempt would require a volume. It is not possible to notice here all the various forms of settlements, and the omission of individual institutions or even of classes (such as the numerous small religious settlements of ladies working under ecclesiastical guidance) must not be taken to imply any failure to appreciate the value of their work.
4 The present Bishop of London, who achieved great success as the head of Oxford House, wrote: “On Sunday, have a Bible-class connected with the (boys') club; but if you take my advice, you will not make attendance at it a test for coming to the club. … I doubt the expediency of the test club, unless your rooms are so small that you can only take a small number, and definitely prefer to pick the boys who wish at once to be religious.” And of men's clubs: “Here again, you must at once make up your mind whether you are going to cater for Jacob and Esau; if for Jacob, then make any rules you like; there ought not to be the slightest difficulty in working a quiet club for your church working-men. … The clubs I speak of are for Esau, and as a first step to making him religious, have no religious test.”
5 The Working Men's Club and Institute Union, a very large federation of independent and self-supporting clubs in London and the provincial towns, has done valuable work in this direction, but its objects have been almost purely recreative.
6 The formation of Advisory Committees on Juvenile Employment in connection with the new national system of Labor Exchanges is an important development which should afford many opportunities for the use of the knowledge and experience so acquired.
7 It is right to mention here the valuable educational work done by such other institutions as the Working Men's College, which led the way in the higher education of the working classes, the older Polytechnics, the Morley Memorial College, the People's Palace, and the University Extension Societies.
8 Most useful work of this kind has also been done on a large scale by the Children's Happy Evenings Association.
