Hostname: page-component-5d59c44645-l48q4 Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-02-21T14:59:27.570Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

CONSERVATISM, EDMUND BURKE, AND THE INVENTION OF A POLITICAL TRADITION, c. 1885–1914*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 October 2015

EMILY JONES*
Affiliation:
Pembroke College, Cambridge
*
Pembroke College, Cambridge, cb2 1rfej269@cam.ac.uk

Abstract

This article addresses the reputation of Edmund Burke and his transformation into the ‘founder of modern conservatism’. It argues that this process occurred primarily between 1885 and 1914 in Britain. In doing so, this article challenges the existing orthodoxy which attributes this development to the work of Peter Stanlis, Russell Kirk, and other conservative American scholars. Moreover, this article historicizes one aspect of the construction of C/conservatism as both an intellectual (small-c) and political (capital-C) tradition. Indeed, though the late Victorian and Edwardian period saw the construction of political traditions of an entirely novel kind, the search for ‘New Conservatism’ has been neglected by comparison with New Liberalism. Thus, this study explores three main themes: the impact of British debates about Irish Home Rule on Burke's reputation and status; the academic systematization of Burke's work into a ‘political philosophy of conservatism’; and, finally, the appropriation of Burke by Conservative Unionists during the late Edwardian constitutional crisis. The result is to show that by 1914 Burke had been firmly established as a ‘conservative’ political thinker whose work was directly associated with British Conservatism.

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2015 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

Footnotes

*

My thanks go to Peter Ghosh, Stuart Jones, James Kirby, Chris Brooke, and the two anonymous referees for their comments on earlier versions of this article. Thanks also to the Arts and Humanities Research Council, who funded my doctoral research, and to the Librarian at King's College, Cambridge, for permission to cite material from the Keynes papers.

References

1 Henry Sidgwick, ‘Bentham and Benthamism in politics and ethics’ (1877), in E. M. and A. Sidgwick, eds., Miscellaneous essays and addresses (London, 1904), p. 136.

2 For intellectual and stylistic clarity, ‘Conservative’ is used to indicate party-political affiliation, whereas ‘conservative’ denotes the intellectual tradition. Where both terms are applicable ‘C/conservative’ is employed.

3 One recent example is the Conservative MP Jesse Norman's Edmund Burke: philosopher, politician, prophet (London, 2013). Burke's appeal is of course much wider, and commentators on the left, such as Labour's David Marquand, have sporadically claimed inspiration: Mammon's kingdom (London, 2014). Yet Burke is still most commonly promoted as the founder of ‘conservatism’: Anne McElvoy's ‘Conservatism: the grand tour’ (BBC Radio 4, Sept. 2013) is a good popular illustration of this.

4 Sack, J. J., ‘The memory of Pitt and the memory of Burke: English Conservatism confronts its past, 1806–1829’, Historical Journal, 30 (1987), pp. 623–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 A. H. Hallam, ‘Burke’, Gallery of portraits (7 vols., London, 1833–7), iii, p. 35; Lord John Russell, The life and times of Charles James Fox (3 vols., London, 1859–66), iii, pp. 122–6.

6 W. F. Monypenny and G. E. Buckle, Life of Benjamin Disraeli, earl of Beaconsfield (6 vols., London, 1910–20), ii, p. 297.

7 For a succinct catalogue, see John Morley, Burke (London, 1879), pp. 91–3. The later Namierite dislike of Burke certainly had a precedent. For Namier and Burke, see Smyth, James, ‘Lewis Namier, Herbert Butterfield and Edmund Burke’, Journal of Eighteenth Century Studies, 35 (2012), pp. 381–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 See for example, Thomas Moore, Life of Richard Sheridan (3rd edn, 2 vols., London, 1825), ii, pp. 98–9; Gladstone to G. W. E. Russell, 13 Oct. 1884, D. C. Lathbury, ed., Correspondence on church and religion of W. E. Gladstone (2 vols., London, 1910), ii, p. 326.

9 H. T. Buckle, History of civilization in England (2 vols., London, 1857–61), i, pp. 424–32.

10 Edmund Burke, Irish affairs, ed. Matthew Arnold (1881), and Conor Cruise O'Brien (London, 1988). John Burrow's Whigs and Liberals: continuity and change in English political thought (Oxford, 1988) traced perceived ‘Burkeanisms’ through significant nineteenth-century thinkers, but this was based on retrospectively detected affinity or resemblance, rather than the actual attestable influence or admiration of Burke and his works.

11 Drew Maciag, Edmund Burke in America: the contested career of the father of modern conservatism (New York, NY, 2013), p. 109; David Dwan and Christopher Insole, ‘Introduction’, in idem and idem, eds., The Cambridge companion to Edmund Burke (Cambridge, 2012), pp. 7, 13 n. 3; Isaac Kramnick, The rage of Edmund Burke: portrait of an ambivalent conservative (New York, NY, 1977), pp. 41, 46. See also, for example, Peter Stanlis, Edmund Burke and the natural law (Ann Arbour, MI, 1958).

12 Maciag, Edmund Burke in America, pp. 166, 172–99. The emphasis Stanlis and Kirk placed on natural law was, however, contentious: see the comments on Gertrude Himmelfarb in ibid., pp. 196–9.

13 Morley, Burke, p. 213.

14 Readman, Paul, ‘The place of the past in English culture, c. 1890–1914’, Past and Present, 186 (2005), pp. 147–99CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Stefan Collini, Public moralists: political thought and intellectual life in Britain, 1850–1930 (Oxford, 1992), ch. 9; Jose Harris, Private lives, public spirit: a social history of Britain, 1870–1914 (Oxford, 1993), p. 33; Eric Hobsbawn, ‘Mass-producing traditions: Europe, 1870–1914’, in Eric Hobsbawn and Terence Ranger, eds., The invention of tradition (Cambridge, 1983); David Cannadine, ‘The context, performance and meaning of ritual: the British monarchy and the “invention of tradition”, c. 1820–1977’, in ibid., pp. 101–38.

15 The prolific work of Michael Freeden on Liberalism has been especially influential: The New Liberalism: an ideology of social reform (Oxford, 1978); idem, Liberalism divided: a study in social thought, 1914–1939 (Oxford, 1986). See also Ben Jackson and Marc Stears, eds., Liberalism as ideology: essays in honour of Michael Freeden (Oxford, 2012).

16 Paul Bew, Ireland: the politics of enmity, 1789–2006 (Oxford, 2009), p. 349; J. Loughlin, Gladstone and the Ulster question, 1882–1893 (Dublin, 1986), pp. 59, 195; Patrick Maume, ‘Burke in Belfast: Thomas MacKnight, Gladstone and Liberal Unionism’, in D. G. Boyce and Alan O'Day, Gladstone and Ireland: politics, religion and nationality in the Victorian age (London, 2010).

17 John Morley, Life of Gladstone (3 vols., London, 1903), iii, p. 280.

18 M. R. D. Foot and H. C. G. Matthew, The Gladstone diaries (14 vols., Oxford, 1968–96), xi, pp. 443–54. ‘Burke on America’ was generally considered to consist of the speeches on taxation (1774) and conciliation (1775).

19 Hansard (hereafter H) HC Deb, 13 Apr. 1886, vol. 304, cc. 1439–550, 1544–5. Gladstone also closed the debates with Burke: H HC Deb, 7 June 1886, vol. 306, cc. 1145–245, 1221, 1237.

20 H HC Deb 13 Apr. 1886, vol. 304, cc. 1439–550, 1454–5; H HC Deb, 1 June 1886, vol. 306, cc. 675–780, 762.

21 H HC Deb, 21 May 1886, vol. 305, cc. 1667–780, 1742.

22 H HC Deb, 13 May 1886, vol. 305, cc. 912–1023, 968.

23 H HC Deb, 18 May 1886, vol. 305, cc. 1299–385, 1314–15 (Lefevre), 1380 (Playfair); Alfred E. Pease, Elections and recollections (London, 1932), pp. 100, 156.

24 [Anon.], A few extracts from the works and speeches of Edmund Burke, in support of the case of present policy of the Liberal party towards Ireland (London, 1887). Examples of Liberal pamphlets which were published and distributed (many through official channels) which evoked Burke on the ‘union of hearts’, Irish history, and Grattan's parliament include: Malcolm MacColl, Reasons for Home Rule (London, 1886); H. J. Leech, Henry Grattan: a lecture (London, 1886); J. Hirst Hollowell, Ireland: the story of her wrongs, and a plea for her rights (Nottingham, 1886).

25 R. B. O'Brien, ‘The Unionist case for Home Rule’, and Lord Thring, ‘Home Rule and Imperial unity’, in James Bryce, ed., Handbook for Home Rule (2nd edn, London, 1887).

26 A. J. Mundella, ‘Mr. Gladstone and Burke’, Times, 14 Dec. 1886, p. 10.

27 Morley, Burke, pp. 86–7.

28 Though he was not averse to doing so elsewhere: Morley's On compromise (London, 1874) stated that Burke's definition of ‘compromise’ was the ‘true’ definition (pp. 177–8). For Morley on Burke's constitutional thought in 1886, see Maine on popular government’, Fortnightly Review, 39 (Feb. 1886), pp. 153–73Google Scholar, at pp. 156–7.

29 For instance, Matthew Arnold, On Home Rule for Ireland: two letters to The Times (22 May and 6 Aug. 1886) (London, 1891), pp. 4–5. On the intellectual significance of Liberal Unionism, see Ian Cawood, The Liberal Unionist party (London, 2012), p. 13; Harvie, Christopher, ‘Ideology and Home Rule: James Bryce, A. V. Dicey, and Ireland, 1880–1887’, English Historical Review, 359 (1976), pp. 298314CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Roach, John, ‘Liberalism and the Victorian intelligentsia’, Historical Journal, 8 (1957), pp. 7188Google Scholar.

30 Grattan's parliament: a letter by Mr. W. E. H. Lecky, addressed to the editor of the Times, June 7 1886 (London, 1887); duke of Argyll, H HL Deb 10 June 1886, vol. 306, cc. 1260–89, 1266–7.

31 W. E. H. Lecky, Leaders of public opinion in Ireland (2nd edn, London, 1871), p. 109; idem, History of England in the eighteenth century (8 vols., London, 1878–90), iii, pp. 212–13. He was still asserting this in 1897: Elisabeth van Dedem Lecky, A memoir of W. E. H. Lecky (London, 1909), p. 309. For Dicey, see England's case against Home Rule (London, 1886), p. 22; Why England maintains the union (London, 1887), p. 50; A leap in the dark, or, our new constitution (London, 1893; 2nd edn, 1911), p. 134; A fool's paradise: being a constitutionalist's criticism of the Home Rule Bill of 1912 (London, 1913), pp. 95, 113.

32 Maume, ‘Burke in Belfast’, pp. 163–4.

33 [Harris, Frank], ‘Home affairs: a national party’, Fortnightly Review, 42 (July 1887), pp. 140–51, at p. 151Google Scholar.

34 H HC Deb, 31 May 1886, vol. 306, cc. 506–90, 527.

35 J. J. Sack, ‘Edmund Burke and the Conservative party’, in Ian Crowe, ed., Edmund Burke: his life and legacy (Dublin, 1997), p. 81. Burke is not discussed in Michael Bentley, Lord Salisbury's world: Conservative environments in late Victorian Britain (Cambridge, 2001), nor Andrew Roberts, Salisbury: Victorian titan (London, 1999), which instead notes Salisbury's preference for Castlereagh (p. 50, passim). Michael Pinto-Duschinsky's The political thought of Lord Salisbury, 1858–1868 (London, 1967) concludes by explicitly contrasting the ‘Conservatism’ of Burke and Salisbury (p. 153).

36 Times, 4 Feb. 1886, qu. in Donal McCartney, W. E. H. Lecky: historian and politician, 1838–1903 (Dublin, 1994), p. 126.

37 ‘Mr. Chamberlain at Greenwich’, Times, 1 Aug. 1889, p. 6.

38 Dicey, A. V., ‘Old Jacobinism and new morality’, Contemporary Review, 53 (Apr. 1888), pp. 475502Google Scholar, at pp. 476, 485–6.

39 H HC Deb, 9 Feb. 1892, vol. 1, cc. 43–116, 69–70.

40 H HC Deb, 21 Apr. 1893, vol. 11, cc. 912–1007, 990–1.

41 Percy Thornton, H HC Deb, 14 Feb. 1893, vol. 8, cc. 1399–489, 1448; T. G. Bowles, H HC Deb, 14 Aug. 1893, vol. 16, cc. 139–234, 193.

42 H HL Deb, 8 Sept. 1893, vol. 17, cc. 563–649, 574 (Cranbrook), 611 (Ripon).

43 There was, from 1895, a Unionist alliance between Liberal Unionists and Conservatives, formalized in 1912 by the creation of the Conservative and Unionist party.

44 I use the terms ‘theory’, ‘philosophy’, and ‘doctrine’ synonymously, as did Burke's interpreters.

45 Stefan Collini, John Burrow, and Donald Winch, That noble science of politics: a study in nineteenth-century intellectual history (Cambridge, 1983), ch. 6.

46 Morley, Burke, p. 315.

47 Leslie Stephen, History of English thought in the eighteenth century (2 vols., London, 1876), ii, p. 280.

48 Idem, ‘Science and politics’ (1892), Social rights and duties (1896) (2 vols., Cambridge, 2011), i, p. 46; idem, Thomas Paine’, Fortnightly Review, 54 (Aug. 1893), pp. 267–81Google Scholar, at p. 273; idem, English literature in the eighteenth century (London, 1904), p. 198.

49 Frederick Pollock, Introduction to the science of politics (London, 1890), pp. 84–92, 118.

50 John Rae, ‘Graham, William (1839–1911)’, rev. C. A. Creffield, Oxford dictionary of national biography.

51 William Graham, English political philosophy, from Hobbes to Maine (London, 1899), pp. 101, 107. See also his Idealism: an essay metaphysical and critical (London, 1892), in which his ‘chief object’ was to defend the Idealism of Berkeley (p. xii), and its extension by Hegel (p. xvi).

52 Ibid., p. 90.

53 Ibid., p. 94.

54 Ibid., p. 174.

55 Athenaeum, 3762 (2 Dec. 1899), p. 754Google Scholar; Ball, Sidney, ‘English political philosophy’, International Journal of Ethics, 10 (July 1900), pp. 520–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Academy, 1441 (16 Dec. 1899), pp. 720–1Google Scholar; ‘H. B.’ [Hilaire Belloc], English political philosophy’, Speaker, 1 (16 Dec. 1899), pp. 289–90Google Scholar; Read, Carveth, ‘English political philosophy’, Economic Journal, 10 (Mar. 1900), pp. 83–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

56 Saturday Review, 89 (20 Jan. 1900), pp. 83–4Google Scholar.

57 Robert Skidelsky, John Maynard Keynes (3 vols., London, 1983–2001), i, pp. 98n, 101, 154.

58 John Maynard Keynes, ‘The political doctrines of Edmund Burke’ (1904), Keynes papers, King's College Library, Cambridge, JMK/UA/3/4, JMK/UA/20/2/94. From the unpublished writings of J. M. Keynes copyright The Provost and Scholars of King's College, Cambridge, 2014.

59 Keynes papers, King's College Library, Cambridge, JMK/UA/20/3/84.

60 John MacCunn, The ethics of citizenship (Glasgow, 1894); Liverpool addresses on the ethics of social work (Liverpool and London, 1911). For MacCunn and citizenship, see H. S. Jones, ‘Education for citizenship in Great Britain, c. 1880–1944: the renewal of a civic tradition’, in Inge Botteri, Elena Riva, and Adolfo Scotto di Luzio, eds., Fare il cittadino: la formazione di un nuovo soggetto sociale nell'Europa tra XIX et XXI secolo (Soveria Mannelli, 2012). For the longer intellectual context of ‘Liberal Anglican’ conceptions of the nation, see idem, The idea of the national in Victorian political thought’, European Journal of Political Theory, 5 (2006), pp. 1221CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

61 John MacCunn, Six radical thinkers (London, 1907), p. 229. MacCunn was not the only ‘second-generation’ Idealist to discuss Burke, but he did so at the greatest length. See also Henry Jones, Wales and its prospects (Wrexham, 1889); D. G. Ritchie, The principles of state interference (London, 1891), pp. 72–3; idem, Darwin and Hegel (London, 1893), p. 65; idem, Natural rights (2nd edn, London, 1903), pp. 5–6, 10, 12, 17.

62 John MacCunn, The political philosophy of Burke (London, 1913), p. 68.

63 Ibid., p. 85.

64 Ibid., pp. 132, 140–1.

65 Ibid., p. 49.

66 Ibid., p. 165.

67 Ibid., p. 172.

68 Ibid., p. 189.

69 Ibid., p. 151.

70 Ibid., pp. 179–80.

71 Ibid., pp. 218, 230.

72 This was also the conclusion of an American reviewer, Creighton, J. E., in the Philosophical Review, 10 (Sept. 1913), pp. 558–9Google Scholar.

73 Speaker, 110 (10 May 1913), pp. 807–8Google Scholar; Gardner, James, ‘The political philosophy of Burke’, American Political Science Review, 8 (May 1914), pp. 316–18Google Scholar.

74 Field, G. C., ‘The political philosophy of Burke’, International Journal of Ethics, 24 (Apr. 1914), p. 373CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

75 Athenaeum, 4457 (29 Mar. 1913), p. 356Google Scholar.

76 For example: F. J .C. Hearnshaw, ed., Burke's speeches on America (London, 1913); Edmund Burke, Thoughts on the cause of the present discontents, ed. W. Murison (Cambridge, 1913).

77 For an overview of ‘Conservative’ attempts at self-definition from Mallock to Thatcher, see Fair, John D. and Hutcheson, John A., ‘British Conservatism in the twentieth century: an emerging ideological tradition’, Albion, 19 (1987), pp. 549–78CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

78 See Martin Pugh, The Tories and the people, 1880–1935 (Oxford, 1985).

79 F. E. Smith, Toryism (London, 1903); Lord Hugh Cecil, Conservatism (London, 1912); Geoffrey Butler, The Tory tradition: Bolingbroke, Burke, Disraeli, Salisbury (London, 1914).

80 Smith, for instance, sneered at Peel's ‘whiggism’ in Toryism, p. 14. Lord Rosebery saw Peel as a Liberal: Lord Randolph Churchill (London, 1906), p. 122. Even G. Kitson Clarke's Peel and the Conservative party (London, 1929) made no claim that Peel was the founder of modern Conservatism. Instead, he accepted ‘that Peel may have … possibly followed Conservative principles that did not stand the test of usefulness or time’ (p. xiv).

81 Green, E. H. H., ‘Radical Conservatism: the electoral genesis of Tariff Reform’, Historical Journal, 28 (1985), pp. 667692CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at p. 690; idem, The crisis of Conservatism: the politics, economics and ideology of the British Conservative party, 1880–1914 (London, 1995), pp. 286–7.

82 Philip Williamson, Stanley Baldwin: Conservative leadership and national values (Cambridge, 1999), p. 223.

83 Robert Taylor, Lord Salisbury (London, 1975), p. 187; Peter Marsh, The discipline of popular government: Lord Salisbury's domestic statecraft, 1881–1902 (Hassocks, 1978), p. 131. See also Roberts, Salisbury, p. 836.

84 [Lord Salisbury], Disintegration’, Quarterly Review, 156 (Oct. 1883), pp. 559–95, at p. 562Google Scholar.

85 Paul Langford and Leslie Mitchell, eds., The writings and speeches of Edmund Burke (8 vols., Oxford, 1981–2000), viii, pp. 72, 292.

86 For example, William John Courthope, citing Burke, argued that Conservative ‘stability’ did not exclude development: A Conservative view: prophecy and politics’, National Review, 7 (June 1886), pp. 475–86Google Scholar. ‘He is known to students, idolised by Conservatives that do not utterly disregard progress and by Liberals whose motto is “Hasten slowly”’: ‘Edmund Burke at Beaconsfield’, Speaker, 18 (16 July 1898), pp. 72–3Google Scholar.

87 D. H. Lawrence to Bertrand Russell, 19 July 1915, The letters of D. H. Lawrence (8 vols., Cambridge, 1979–2000), ii, p. 366.

88 For an overview of nineteenth-century English/British constitutionalism, see Saunders, Robert, ‘Parliament and the people: the British constitution in the long nineteenth century’, Journal of Modern European History, 6 (2008), pp. 7287CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the constitution and Liberal politics, see Jonathan Parry, The politics of patriotism: English Liberalism, national identity and Europe, 1830–1886 (Cambridge, 2006), ch. 1.

89 Baumann, A. A., ‘An apology for unprincipled toryism’, Fortnightly Review, 51 (Oct. 1897), pp. 617–25Google Scholar, at p. 621. See also Selborne, Lord, ‘Thoughts about party’, Contemporary Review, 51 (Jan. 1887), pp. 27Google Scholar; Barry, William, ‘Edmund Burke, statesman and prophet’, National Review, 30 (Jan. 1898), pp. 762–78Google Scholar, at p. 775; Mr. Pitt’, Saturday Review, 86 (31 Dec. 1898), pp. 874–5Google Scholar.

90 The story of the nations: modern England before the Reform Bill’, Saturday Review, 87 (14 Jan. 1899), pp. 54–5, at p. 54Google Scholar.

91 Goldwin Smith, The United Kingdom (2 vols., London, 1899), ii, p. 275.

92 The Tory future’, Blackwood's Magazine, 167 (Feb. 1900), pp. 182–93, at p. 188Google Scholar.

93 Compare, for example, J. J. Sack, From Jacobite to Conservative (Cambridge, 1993).

94 Boulton, A. C. Forster, ‘Liberalism and the empire’, Westminster Review, 151 (May 1899), pp. 486–91, at p. 488Google Scholar.

95 C. B. Roylance Kent, The English radicals (London, 1899), pp. 82, 436–7; T. M. Kettle, The philosophy of politics (Dublin, 1906), p. 9.

96 MacColl, Malcolm, ‘Lord Acton's letters to Mary Gladstone’, Fortnightly Review, 75 (June 1904), pp. 9961010Google Scholar, at p. 998; Gosse, Edmund, ‘Rousseau in England in the nineteenth century’, Fortnightly Review, 92 (July 1912), pp. 2238Google Scholar.

97 H. A. L. Fisher, The republican tradition in Europe (London, 1911), p. 142. See also p. 89: ‘what Burke said in 1790 the conservatives of Europe have believed ever since’.

98 Herbert Paul, The life of Froude (London, 1905), p. 240.

99 J. M. Robertson, The meaning of Liberalism (London, 1912), p. 16.

100 For example: Leo Amery, Union and strength (London, 1912); T. E. Hulme, ‘A Tory philosophy’ (1912), in Karen Csengeri, ed., The collected writings of T. E. Hulme (Oxford, 1994); Harry Roberts, Constructive Conservatism (London, 1913); F. E. Smith, Unionist policy and other essays (London, 1913); Keith Feiling, Toryism (London, 1913); idem, Tory democracy (London, 1914); Alfred Milner, The nation and the empire (London, 1914).

101 Smith, Toryism, pp. i–iii. John Campbell's otherwise substantial F. E. Smith, first earl of Birkenhead (London, 1983) only briefly mentions this publication (p. 93). By 1913, Smith had accepted ‘Conservative’ as the party label, noting its connection to Burke in Unionist policy, p. 3.

102 Ibid., p. xlviii,

103 Ibid., p. lix.

104 Ibid., p. lxiv.

105 Spectator, 30 Jan. 1904, p. 187; Irish Times, 4 Feb. 1904, p. 7; Speaker, 20 Feb. 1904, pp. 499–500.

106 R. Q. Adams, Bonar Law (London, 1999), p. 70.

107 Baumann, ‘Apology for unprincipled Toryism’, pp. 622–3.

108 Idem, Is a Tory revival possible?’, Fortnightly Review, 91 (Feb. 1912), pp. 217–25, at pp. 219–21Google Scholar. In his fourth Letter on a Regicide Peace (1795), Burke accused the Jacobin Antoine Joseph Santerre of ordering military drummers to drown out Louis XVI's final speech. See Langford and Mitchell, eds., Writings and speeches of Burke, ix, pp. 111–12.

109 Ibid., p. 224.

110 Idem, Burke: the founder of Conservatism (London, 1929).

111 Times, 15 Oct. 1905, p. 10.

112 Cecil, Conservatism, p. 8.

113 Ibid., pp. 8, 244.

114 Ibid., p. 39.

115 Ibid., p. 40.

116 Ibid., pp. 44, 248.

117 Ibid., p. 48.

118 Ibid., pp. 114, 118.

119 This drew on a long tradition of high church social concern, stretching back to the Oxford Movement. For its origins, see Simon Skinner, Tractarians and the ‘Condition of England’: the social and political thought of the Oxford Movement (Oxford, 2004).

120 Ibid., p. 233.

121 Broad, C. C., ‘Lord Hugh Cecil's Conservatism’, International Journal of Ethics, 23 (July 1913), p. 396CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Rodner, William S., ‘Conservatism, resistance and Lord Hugh Cecil’, History of Political Thought, 9 (1988), pp. 529–51Google Scholar.

122 English Review, 11 (July 1912), pp. 668–9Google Scholar; Athenaeum, 4410 (4 May 1912), p. 502Google Scholar.

123 Baumann, A. A., ‘Lord Hugh Cecil on Conservatism’, Fortnightly Review, 92 (July 1912), pp. 3952Google Scholar.

124 Review of Reviews, 46 (July 1912), pp. 108–9Google Scholar.

125 Saturday Review, 114 (27 July 1912), pp. 115–16Google Scholar.

126 Rodner, ‘Conservatism, resistance and Lord Hugh Cecil’, p. 537; Rempel, Richard A., ‘Lord Hugh Cecil's parliamentary career, 1900–1914: promise unfulfilled’, Journal of British Studies, 11 (1972), pp. 104–30CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

127 Butler, The Tory tradition, pp. 23, 103.

128 Ibid., pp. 60–7.

129 Ibid., p. 116.

130 Ibid., p. 33–4.

131 Ibid., p. 40.

132 Ibid., p. 47.

133 Ibid., p. 59.

134 Athenaeum, 4548 (26 Dec. 1914), p. 666Google Scholar.

135 Saturday Review, 59 (16 Jan. 1915), pp. 64–5Google Scholar.