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² Works which do deal with the sweet banquet include Wilson, C. Anne, ed., Banquetting stuffe: the fare and social background of the Tudor and Stuart banquet (Edinburgh, 1991)Google Scholar; Fumerton, Patricia, Cultural aesthetics: Renaissance literature and the practice of social ornament (Chicago, IL, 1991), pp. 111–67Google Scholar; Meads, Chris, Banquets set forth: banqueting in English Renaissance drama (Manchester, 2001)Google Scholar; Tracy Thong, ‘Appropriations of the early modern banquet course and informal meals in the plays of Shakespeare and his contemporaries’ (Ph.D. thesis, Loughborough, 2008); Louise Stewart, ‘The sweet banquet in early modern England’ (Ph.D. thesis, Nottingham, 2016); also see Day, Ivan, Royal sugar sculpture: 600 years of splendour (Durham, 2002)Google Scholar.

³ The growth of interest in food history and increasing recognition of its status as a valid area of academic enquiry is exemplified in the 2012 publication by Bloomsbury of the six volume Cultural history of food. The most relevant volumes here are Albala, Ken, ed., A cultural history of food in the Renaissance (London and New York, NY, 2012)Google Scholar; Kümin, Beat, ed., A cultural history of food in the early modern age (London and New York, NY, 2012)Google Scholar.

⁴ Jeanneret, Michel, A feast of words: banquets and table talk in the Renaissance, trans. Whitelay, Jeremy and Hughes, Emma (Chicago, IL, 1991)Google Scholar; Bertelli, Sergio, The king's body: sacred rituals of power in medieval and early modern Europe, trans. Litchfield, R. Burr (Pennsylvania, PA, 2001), pp. 191–213Google Scholar; Albala, Ken, Food in early modern Europe (Westport, CT, 2003)Google Scholar; Albala, Ken, The banquet: dining in the great courts of Renaissance Europe (Chicago, IL, 2007)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goldstein, David B., Eating and ethics in Shakespeare's England (Cambridge, 2013)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵ Heal, Felicity, Hospitality in early modern England (Oxford, 1990)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Heal, Felicity, ‘Food gifts, the household and the politics of exchange in early modern England’, Past and Present, 199 (2008), pp. 41–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Heal, Felicity, The power of gifts: gift exchange in early modern England (Oxford, 2014)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ Mennell, Stephen, All manners of food: eating and taste in England and France from the middle ages to the present (Chicago, IL, 1996)Google Scholar; Mason, Laura, ed., Food and the rites of passage (Totnes, 2002)Google Scholar; Appelbaum, Robert, Aguecheek's beef, belch's hiccup, and other gastronomic interjections: literature, culture, and food among the early moderns (Chicago, IL, 2006)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Thirsk, Joan, Food in early modern England: phases, fads, fashions, 1500–1760 (London and New York, NY, 2007)Google Scholar; Fitzpatrick, Joan, ed., Renaissance food from Rabelais to Shakespeare: culinary readings and culinary histories (Aldershot, 2010)Google Scholar.

⁷ Pennell, Sara, ‘The material culture of food in early modern England, 1650–1750’, in Tarlow, S. and West, S., eds., The familiar past? Archaeologies of later historical Britain (London and New York, NY, 1999), pp. 35–50Google Scholar; Hazard, Mary E., Elizabethan silent language (Lincoln, NB, and London, 2000)Google Scholar; Dennis, Flora, ‘Scattered knives and dismembered song: cutlery, music and the rituals of dining’, Renaissance Studies, 24 (2010), pp. 156–84CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Kennedy, Kirstin, ‘Sharing and status: the design and function of a sixteenth-century Spanish spice stand in the Victoria and Albert Museum’, Renaissance Studies, 24 (2010), pp. 124–55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wall, Wendy, ‘Household “writing” or the joys of carving’, in Bach, Rebecca Ann and Kennedy, Gwynne, eds., Feminisms and early modern texts: essays for Phyllis Rankin (Selsingrove, PA, 2010), pp. 25–42Google Scholar; Pennell, Sara, ‘Getting down from the table: early modern foodways and material culture’, in Richardson, Catherine, Hamling, Tara, and Gaimster, Richard, eds., The Routledge handbook of material culture in early modern Europe (London and New York, NY, 2017), pp. 185–95Google Scholar.

⁸ On the void, see Glanville, Philippa, Silver in Tudor and early Stuart England: a social history and catalogue of the national collection (London, 1990), p. 217Google Scholar; C. Anne Wilson, ‘The evolution of the banquet course: some medicinal, culinary and social aspects’, in Wilson, ed. Banquetting stuffe, pp. 10–11.

⁹ Day, Royal sugar sculpture, p. 17; Ross, L. B., ‘Beyond eating: political and personal significance of the entremets at the banquets of the Burgundian court’, in Tomasik, Timothy J. and Vitullo, Julian M., eds., At the table: metaphorical and material cultures of food in medieval and early modern Europe (Turnhout, 2007), pp. 145–66CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Normore, Christina, A feast for the eyes: art, performance and the late medieval banquet (Chicago, IL, and London, 2015), p. 50CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹¹ Flandarin, Jean-Louis, Arranging the meal, trans. Johnson, Julie E. with Sylvie and Roder, Antonio (Los Angeles, CA, and London, 2007), pp. 50, 55–6Google Scholar; van Winter, Johanna Maria, ‘The medieval banquet’, Petit propos culinaries, 100 (2014), pp. 63–70Google Scholar.

¹² Day, Royal sugar sculpture, p. 23; McIver, Katherine, Cooking and eating in Renaissance Italy: from kitchen to table (Washington, DC, 2014), pp. 73–4Google Scholar.

¹³ Benporat, Claudio, Feste e banchetti: convivialita Italiana fra tre e quattrocento (Florence, 2001), p. 154Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Wilson, ‘The evolution of the banquet course’, p. 11.

¹⁵ For clarity, I have used the more frequently occurring ‘banquet’ where possible.

¹⁶ Wilson, ‘The evolution of the banquet course’, pp. 9–10.

¹⁷ Giustinian, Sebastian, Four years at the court of Henry VIII (2 vols., London, 1854), ii, p. 225Google Scholar.

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²⁰ Gairdner, James and Brodie, R. H., eds., Letters and papers, foreign and domestic, of the reign of Henry VIII, xiv (London, 1894), p. 199Google Scholar.

²¹ It has long been recognized that the terms ‘dinner’ and ‘supper’ had very specific meanings. Dinner was the main meal, usually served between midday and 2pm, while supper was a lighter meal, eaten later, usually between 5pm and 6pm. The term ‘feast’ also had specific connotations, being used to refer to meals served on saints’ days and other religious holidays, as well as the holidays themselves. Albala, Food in early modern Europe, p. 231; Alison A. Smith, ‘Family and domesticity’, in Albala, ed., A cultural history of food in the Renaissance, p. 143; Woolgar, C. M., The culture of food in England 1200–1500 (New Haven, CT, and London, 2016), pp. 12–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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²³ Lemon, Robert and Everett, Mary Anne, eds., Calendar of state papers, domestic: Edward, Mary and Elizabeth (8 vols., London, 1856–72)Google Scholar, www.british-history.ac.uk/search/series/cal-state-papers--domestic--edw-eliz, accessed 11 Aug. 2016; and Calendar of the Cecil papers in Hatfield House (24 vols., London, 1883–1976)Google Scholar, www.british-history.ac.uk/search/series/cal-cecil-papers, accessed 11 Aug. 2016. The apparent decline of the term ‘banquet’ in the Elizabethan state papers does not reflect the relatively higher number of banquets taking place during progresses and beyond the court in the later sixteenth century.

²⁴ Everett, Mary Anne, ed., Calendar of state papers, domestic: James I (4 vols., London, 1853–9)Google Scholar, www.british-history.ac.uk/search/series/cal-state-papers--domestic--jas1, accessed 9 Dec. 2015; Calendar of state papers domestic: Charles I, various editors (23 vols., London, 1858–97)Google Scholar, www.british-history.ac.uk/search/series/cal-state-papers--domestic--chas1?query=&title=, accessed 9 Dec. 2015.

²⁵ Calendar of state papers domestic: Charles II, various editors (28 vols., London, 1860–1939)Google Scholar, www.british-history.ac.uk/search/series/cal-state-papers--domestic--chas2?query=&title, accessed 9 Dec. 2015; Timings, E. K., ed., Calendar of state papers domestic: James II (3 vols., London, 1960–72)Google Scholar, www.british-history.ac.uk/search/series/cal-state-papers--domestic--jas2, accessed 9 Dec. 2015.

²⁶ Data sets: Banquet: https://earlyprint.wustl.edu/toolwebgrok.html?corpus=plaintext&searchPattern=banquet&startYear=1476&endYear=1700&authors=&titles=&page=1, accessed 4 Dec. 2017; Banket: https://earlyprint.wustl.edu/toolwebgrok.html?corpus=plaintext&searchPattern=banket&startYear=1473&endYear=1700&authors=&titles=&page=1, accessed 4 Dec. 2017.

²⁷ On this, see Stewart, ‘The sweet banquet’, pp. 45–7, 237–9.

²⁸ Bennit, William, God only exalted in his own work (London, 1664), pp. 10–11Google Scholar.

²⁹ Stewart, ‘The sweet banquet’, pp. 42–4

³⁰ On banqueting houses, see Girouard, Mark, Life in the English country house: a social and architectural history (New Haven, CT, and London, 1978), p. 106Google Scholar; Woodfield, Paul, ‘Early buildings in gardens in England’, in Brown, A. E., ed., Garden archaeology (London, 1991), p. 124Google Scholar; Henderson, Paula, ‘The architecture of the Tudor garden’, Garden History, 27 (1999), p. 60Google Scholar; Girouard, Mark, Elizabethan architecture: its rise and fall, 1540–1640 (New Haven, CT, and London, 2009), pp. 105, 251–2Google Scholar. For a table of surviving and documented banqueting houses, see Stewart, ‘The sweet banquet’, appendix 2.

³¹ Durant, David N. and Riden, Philip, eds., The building of Hardwick Hall, Part 2: The New Hall, 1591–1598 (Chesterfield, 1984), pp. 232, 261Google Scholar.

³² Chatsworth, Hardwick MS 23, fos. 180, 29, 42, 97, 142; 10a, fo. 32.

³³ Ibid. MS 23, fo. 136v.

³⁴ The exact date(s) of these buildings are unclear; however, recent archaeological work by English Heritage has suggested that they were built in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth centuries. See Newsome, Sarah et al. , Ashby de la Zouch Castle, Leicestershire: a multidisciplinary investigation of the castle garden, English Heritage Research Department Report Series no. 52 (Portsmouth, 2008)Google Scholar. Paula Henderson has identified two of these garden buildings as banqueting houses in The Tudor house and garden: architecture and landscape in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (New Haven, CT, and London, 2005), p. 160Google Scholar.

³⁵ Bickley, Francis, ed., Report on the manuscripts of the late Reginald Rawdon Hastings esq. of the manor house, Ashby de la Zouche (4 vols., London, 1928), i, p. 376Google Scholar.

³⁶ Ibid., p. 404. The Ashby manuscripts were sold to the Huntington Library in California in the early twentieth century and have yet to be fully catalogued. The report provides transcriptions of only a small number of the 100,000 or so documents which make up this archive, so the information provided here can only provide a snapshot of consumption at Ashby.

³⁷ Carrington, W. A., ‘Selections from the Stewards' accounts preserved at Haddon Hall for the years 1549 and 1594’, Journal of the Derbyshire Archaeological and Natural History Society, 16 (1894), p. 69Google Scholar. At this date sugar was included in the category of spice.

³⁸ University of Nottingham Middleton MS MiA 69, fo. 41v.

³⁹ Ibid., fos. 8v, 12r.

⁴⁰ For the price and availability of sugar in England, see Deerr, Noel, The history of sugar (2 vols., London, 1949), ii, pp. 528–9Google Scholar; Woolgar, The culture of food in England, pp. 95–9.

⁴¹ Carew, Richard, Carew's survey of Cornwall (London and Plymouth, 1811 (first published 1602)), pp. 253–4Google Scholar.

⁴² Howard, Maurice, The early Tudor country house: architecture and politics, 1490–1550 (London, 1987), pp. 72–3Google Scholar; Heal, Hospitality in early modern England, pp. 29–32; Friedman, Alice T., ‘Architecture, authority, and the female gaze: planning and representation in the early modern country house’, Assemblage, 18 (1992), pp. 43–4Google Scholar; Hills, Helen, ‘Theorizing the relationships between architecture and gender in early modern Europe’, in Hills, Helen, ed., Architecture and the politics of gender in early modern Europe (Aldershot and Burlington, VT, 2003), pp. 3–22Google Scholar.

⁴³ Fumerton, Cultural aesthetics, p. 124.

⁴⁴ Pinto, Edward H., Treen and other wooden bygones: an encyclopaedia and social history (London, 1969), pp. 79–81Google Scholar; Forsyth, Hazel, ‘Trenchers and porringers’, in Glanville, Philippa and Young, Hillary, eds., Elegant eating: four hundred years of dining in style (London, 2002), pp. 42–3Google Scholar.

⁴⁵ Smith, ‘Family and domesticity’, pp. 146–7; Woolgar, The culture of food in England, p. 189.

⁴⁶ Steel fork with agate handle and engraved silver mounts, inscribed ‘DEMOREES 1599’, English, 1599, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, WA1947.191.267.

⁴⁷ A 1542 inventory of Whitehall palace lists ‘nyne spice plates of grene and blewe glassw … iii of them being partly gilt’ and the 1547 inventory of Henry VIII's goods lists numerous spice plates made of precious metals and glass, and several gilded forks: The inventory of King Henry VIII: Society of Antiquaries MS 129 and British Library MS Harley 1419. The transcript, ed. Starkey, David et al. (2 vols., London, 1998), i, pp. 39–40, 428–9Google Scholar. Accounts from the Field of the Cloth of Gold include a payment for ‘16 glasses for soteilties’, Brewer, ed., Letters and papers, iii, p. 336. A banquet which accompanied a mummery at court in 1520 was served on gold and silver plate. Ibid., pp. 239–40. An account of the royal Jewel House of 1532–3 lists eighty-one spice plates of silver and silver gilt. The National Archives (TNA) E36/85, fo. 34v. On the serving of spice, also see Glanville, Silver in Tudor and early Stuart England, pp. 110, 214–17; Kennedy, ‘Sharing and status’.

⁴⁸ For examples of spice boxes in inventories, see Nichols, John G., ed., The Unton inventories: relating to Wadley and Faringdon, co. Berks., in the years 1596 and 1620, from the originals in the possession of Earl Ferrers. With a memoir of the family of Unton (Berkshire, 1841), pp. 26, 27Google Scholar; ‘Inventory of the goods of the countess of Leicester, made in 1634–5, from the original roll on vellum’, in Halliwell, James Orchard, ed., Ancient inventories of furniture, pictures, tapestry, plate &c. illustrative of the domestic manners of the English in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (London, 1854), p. 8Google Scholar; Chute, Chaloner W., A history of the Vyne in Hampshire (London, 1888), p. 54Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ As is suggested in the catalogue entry available at http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O78504/casket-unknown/, accessed 29 Mar. 2015.

⁵⁰ Wiltshire and Swindon History Centre, Lacock MS (2664) box 8: Anne Talbot's book of sugarwork and preserves (uncatalogued), recipe 62: To Make a Marchpane.

⁵¹ Taylor, Valerie, ‘Banquet plate and Renaissance culture: a day in the life’, Renaissance Studies, 19 (1995), pp. 621–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Smith, ‘Family and domesticity’, pp. 148–9.

⁵² The classic study of this process is Norbert Elias, The civilizing process: the history of manners, trans. Jephcott, Edmund (New York, NY, 1978)Google Scholar. For more recent work dealing with these developments, see Bryson, Anna, From courtesy ot civility: changing codes of conduct in early modern England (Oxford, 1998)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Withington, Phil, Society in early modern England: the vernacular origins of some powerful ideas (Cambridge, 2010), pp. 186–92Google Scholar.

⁵³ Erasmus's De civilitate monum puerilium was translated into English as A lytell booke of good manners for children by Robert Whittington in 1532, and the same author published a translation of Cicero's De officis in 1534. Thomas Hoby's translation of Castiglione's Book of the courtier was published in 1561, and translations of Della Casa's Treaties of the manners and behaviours and Stefan Guazzo's The civil conversation appeared in 1578 and 1571 respectively.

⁵⁴ Dennis, ‘Scattered knives and dismembered song’.

⁵⁵ Goldthwaite, Richard A., ‘The economic and social world of italian Renaissance maiolica’, Renaissance Quarterly, 42 (1989), pp. 23–6CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dennis, ‘Scattered knives and dismembered song’, p. 176.

⁵⁶ Ibid.

⁵⁷ Salter, T. A mirrhor mete for all mothers, matrones and maidens (London, 1578), p. 25Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ As outlined in the catalogue entry, available at http://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O78997/twelve-wonders-of-the-world-set-of-roundels-unknown/, accessed 25 May 2015.

⁵⁹ Watson, G. and Willison, I. R., The new Cambridge bibliography of English literature (5 vols., Cambridge, 1969–77), ii, p. 1354Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ The verses are printed in full in Davies, John, The complete poems of Sir John Davies (2 vols., London, 1876), ii, pp. 65–71Google Scholar.

⁶¹ In this introduction, Elyot also draws a clear distinction between ‘dinner’, ‘supper’, and the banquet. Elyot, Thomas, The banket of sapience gathered oute of dyuers and many godlye authoures (London, 1539), sig. A2r–vGoogle Scholar.

⁶² On the availability of these sources at the time, see Shackford, Martha Hale, Plutarch in Renaissance England (Wellesley, 1929), pp. 22–4Google Scholar; Jayne, Sears, Plato in Renaissance England (Dordecht, 1995), pp. 85–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Schurink, Fred, ‘Print, patronage and occasion: translations of Plutarch's “Moralia” in Tudor England’, The Yearbook of English Studies, 38 (2008), pp. 86–101Google Scholar. Although Plutarch's Moralia were not translated into English in full until 1603, Schurink presents evidence for their circulation in manuscript form before this date. Elyot would have known Xenophon's Symposium in Greek, although it was translated into Latin by Janua Cornarius in 1548, in a work which makes explicit comparisons between ancient and early modern convivia. De conviviorum (Basel, 1548)Google Scholar. Plato's Symposium was available in Latin from 1484.

⁶³ For secondary literature on ancient symposia and convivia, see Rösler, Wolfgang, ‘Wine and truth in the ancient Greek symposium’, in Murray, O. and Tucusan, M., eds., In vino veritas (London, 1995), pp. 106–12Google Scholar; Konstan, D., Friendship in the classical world (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 44–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Dunbabin, Katherine M., The Roman banquet: images of conviviality (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 4–5Google Scholar. On the Renaissance appropriation of the symposium, see Jeanneret, A feast of words, esp. pp. 16–48; Quiviger, François, ‘A Spartan academic banquet in Siena’, Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes, 54 (1991), pp. 206–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Goldstein, Claudia, Pieter Brueghel and the culture of the early modern dinner party (Burlington, VT, and Farnham, 2013), pp. 13–14Google Scholar. Goldstein also demonstrates that Thomas More attended humanist dinner parties in Antwerp. Although the sweet banquet as a recreation of the symposium has not been studied before, it has been recognized that societies connected with the Inns of Court, universities, and London taverns were concerned with reviving classical cultures of revelry and used Xenophon and Plutarch as sources. See O'Callaghan, Michelle, The English wits: literature and sociability in early modern England (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 5, 60CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁴ This number of participants is suggested by the size of surviving banqueting houses and the fact that banqueting trenchers are usually found in sets of twelve.

⁶⁵ Jeanneret, A feast of words, pp. 1–2.

⁶⁶ Elyot, The banket of sapience, sig. A2v.

⁶⁷ Platt, Hugh, Delights for ladies to adorn their persons, tables closets and distillatories (London, 1594), recipe 18Google Scholar; Ruthven, Thomas, The ladies cabinet enlarged and opened (London, 1655), p. 21Google Scholar. These authors do not describe the ways in which these items may have been used, so any speculation with regard to this is necessarily conjectural.

⁶⁸ Murrel, John, A daily exercise for ladies and gentlewomen (London, 1617), recipe 89Google Scholar. Roman letter forms would also have been easier to sculpt than other contemporary scripts.

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⁷¹ Sir Kinnaston, Francis, Corona Minervae: or a masque presented before Prince Charles His Highnesse, the duke of Yorke his brother, and the Lady Mary his sister, the 27^th of February at the colledge of the Museum Minervae (London, 1635), sigs. C3r, C4vGoogle Scholar.

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⁸⁴ Ibid.

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⁹⁰ Ibid., pp. 77–8.

⁹¹ Quiviger, ‘A Spartan academic banquet’, pp. 207, 224.

⁹² Boutcher, Warren, ‘Humanism and literature in late Tudor England: translation, the continental book trade and the case of Montaigne's Essais’, in Woolfson, Jonathan, ed., Reassessing Tudor humanism (Basingstoke and New York, NY, 2002), pp. 244–5Google Scholar; Hexter, J. H., Reappraisals in history (London, 1961), pp. 63–9Google Scholar; Simon, Joan, Education and society in Tudor England (Cambridge, 1967), pp. 63–70, 99–155Google Scholar.

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