This article re-examines the career of Sir Thomas Lunsford, one of the most notorious royalist officers of the English Civil War. Drawing on a wide range of contemporary sources, it not only casts new light on the pre-war activities of Lunsford himself but also explores the ways in which his blood-thirsty reputation was exploited by parliamentarian polemicists on the eve of the conflict. The article argues that, following the death of the proto-royalist playwright and plotter Sir John Suckling in 1641, Lunsford inherited Suckling's mantle as the archetypal ‘cavalier’, and that it was in association with Sir Thomas's name, rather than Sir John's, that the hostile caricature of the royalist gentleman-at-arms was first introduced to the English population as a whole. The article concludes by exploring the persistent rumours of cannibalism which have swirled around Lunsford's name for the past 370 years – and by demonstrating that, while the claim that Sir Thomas possessed a taste for human flesh may well have originated in the parliamentarian camp, it was, rather surprisingly, royalist writers who subsequently did most to keep his anthropophagical reputation alive.
This article is a revised version of my inaugural lecture, which was delivered at the University of Southampton in 2014. I am grateful to everyone who attended on that occasion and who spoke to me about the cavalier archetype afterwards, most of all to John Walter. I am indebted to the editor of the Historical Journal and to the two anonymous readers for their comments on an earlier draft of this article – and to George Bernard, who also read the text. Finally, I would like to thank all of the former students who have discussed Sir Thomas Lunsford with me over the years, especially Chris Lawrence, Henry Gill, and Steph Kirkham.
1 See, for example, A. Benn, The rover, or the banish't cavaliers (London, 1677); W. Scott, Woodstock, or the cavalier (3 vols., Edinburgh, 1826); E. Warburton, ed., Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the cavaliers (3 vols., London, 1849); W. S. Burton, ‘The wounded cavalier’ (painted in 1855, exhibited in 1856); and R. Browning, Cavalier tunes: the lost leader and other poems (Boston, MA, 1906).
2 For cavalier book-titles, see, for example, M. Bence-Jones, The cavaliers (London, 1976); and C. Spencer, Prince Rupert: the last cavalier (London, 2007). For book-covers featuring paintings of imagined cavaliers by Charles Landseer, and John Pettie respectively, see P. Tennant, Edgehill and beyond: the people's war in the South Midlands, 1642–1645 (Stroud, 1992); and M. Bennett, The Civil Wars in Britain and Ireland, 1638–1651 (Oxford, 1997). For the use of ‘cavalier’ as a synonym for ‘royalist’ by modern academic historians, see, for example, D. Underdown, Revel, riot and rebellion: popular politics and culture in England, 1603–1660 (Oxford, 1985), p. 167.
3 See A. Walsham, Charitable hatred: tolerance and intolerance in England, 1500–1700 (Manchester, 2006); E. H. Shagan, The rule of moderation: violence, religion and the politics of restraint in early modern England (Cambridge, 2011); and Withington, P., ‘The semantics of “peace” in early modern England’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (TRHS), 6th ser., 23 (2013), pp. 127–53, at p. 127.
4 B. Worden, Roundhead reputations: the English Civil Wars and the passions of posterity (London, 2001), p. 2. For the concept of rival ideological ‘mobilizations’ during the months before the conflict began, see M. J. Braddick, ‘Prayer book and Protestation: anti-popery, anti-puritanism and the outbreak of the English Civil War’, in C. W. A. Prior and G. Burgess, eds., England's wars of religion revisited (Aldershot, 2011), pp. 125–45, passim, especially pp. 135–6; and idem, ‘History, liberty, reformation and the cause: parliamentarian military and ideological escalation in 1643’, in M. J. Braddick and D. L. Smith, eds., The experience of revolution in Stuart Britain and Ireland (Cambridge, 2011), pp. 117–34, especially p. 132.
5 For a detailed discussion of some of the ways in which the word ‘cavalier’ was used during the Civil War itself, see I. Roy, ‘Royalist reputations: the cavalier ideal and the reality’, in J. McElligott and D. L. Smith, eds., Royalists and royalism during the English Civil Wars (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 89–111.
6 See Corns, T. N., Downie, J. A., and Speck, W. A., ‘Archetypal mystification: polemic and reality in English political literature’, Eighteenth Century Life, 7 (1982), pp. 1–27, at p. 4; T. N. Corns, ed., The Cambridge companion to English poetry: Donne to Marvell (1993; Cambridge, 2001 edn), pp. 201–2; T. Raylor, Cavaliers, clubs and literary culture: Sir John Mennes, James Smith and the Order of the Fancy (Newark, DE, 1994), p. 109; and R. Wilcher, The discontented cavalier: the work of Sir John Suckling in its social, religious, political and literary contexts (Newark, DE, 2007), pp. 332–6.
7 For previous accounts of Lunsford, see G. Steinman-Steinman's pioneering ‘Memoir of Sir Thomas Lunsford, baronet’ (parts 1–4), Gentleman's Magazine (GM) (Apr. 1836), pp. 350–7; GM (June 1836), pp. 602–4; GM (July 1836), pp. 32–5; GM (Aug. 1836), pp. 148–54; Blaauw, W. H., ‘Passages of the Civil War in Sussex from 1642 to 1660’, Sussex Archaeological Collections (SAS), 5 (1852), pp. 80–3; ‘W. A. S.’, ‘Lunsford, Sir Thomas, 1610?–1653?’, in S. Lee, ed., Dictionary of national biography (London, 1893), pp. 281–3; C. Thomas-Stanford, Sussex in the Great Civil War and Interregnum, 1642–1660 (London, 1910), pp. 19–21; P. R. Newman, Royalist officers in England and Wales, 1642–1660: a biographical dictionary (London, 1981), p. 242; and B. Morgan, ‘Lunsford, Sir Thomas, b. circa 1610, d. in or before 1656’, in Oxford dictionary of national biography (ODNB) (Oxford, 2004), pp. 775–7.
8 For a previous one-line suggestion that the image of the cavalier might have been partly modelled on Lunsford, see D. Hirst, England in conflict, 1603–1660: kingdom, community, commonwealth (London, 1999), p. 193, and, for a recent description of Lunsford as ‘an archetypal cavalier’, see D. Cressy, England on edge: crisis and revolution, 1640–1642 (Oxford, 2006), p. 108.
9 S. R. Gardiner, History of England from the accession of James I to the outbreak of the Civil War (10 vols., London, 1884), x, p. 108; C. V. Wedgwood, The king's war, 1641–1647 (1958; London, 1983 edn), p. 49; and J. P. Kenyon, The Civil Wars of England (London, 1988), p. 26.
10 A. Woolrych, Britain in revolution, 1625–1660 (Oxford, 2002), p. 208.
11 A. Hughes, The causes of the English Civil War (London, 1991), p. 174.
12 R. Cust, Charles I: a political life (Harlow, 2005), p. 317.
13 J. Miller, The English Civil Wars: roundheads, cavaliers and the execution of the king (London, 2009), p. 80.
14 N. Carlin, The causes of the English Civil War (Oxford, 1999), p. 33.
15 See P. R. Newman, The old service: royalist regimental colonels and the Civil War, 1642–1646 (Manchester, 1993), pp. 109, 143–5, 301 (quotation at p. 145).
16 As Newman rightly observes, see Old service, p. 145.
17 Lunsford is usually said to have been born in ‘circa 1610’; see, for example, Morgan, ‘Lunsford’, p. 775. For what appears to be the true, rather earlier, date of his birth, see Kent Archives Office, Kent History and Library Centre, Maidstone, DCa/BT/11.1 (Archbishop's Transcripts for Bearstead), fo. 6. I owe my knowledge of this document to my former student, Steph Kirkham. For further information about Lunsford's parentage and ancestry, see British Library (BL), Harley MS, 892, fo. 16v.
18 On the Lunsfords' feud with Pelham, see Steinman-Steinman, ‘Memoir', part 4, pp. 151–2; idem, ‘Letters relating to the Lunsford family’, GM (Mar. 1837), pp. 265–6; and Lower, M., ‘Observations on the buckle: the badge of the family of Pelham’, SAS, 3 (1850), pp. 223–4. On Pelham himself, see A. Fletcher, A county community in peace and war: Sussex, 1600–1660 (London, 1975), pp. 13, 27–9, 32–4, 43, 49, 54–5, 241, 243, 248, 252.
19 For Lunsford's physical bulk, see D. Lloyd, Memoires of the lives…of those…that suffered…for the Protestant religion (London, 1668), p. 581. For his attempts to provoke a duel with another young man in London, see R. Cust and A. Hopper, eds., Cases in the High Court of Chivalry, 1634–1640 (Harleian Society, New Series, 18, 2006), pp. 308–9; and R. Cust, Charles I and the aristocracy, 1625–1642 (Cambridge, 2013), p. 147.
20 J. Rushworth, Historical collections of private passages of state (8 vols., London, 1721–2), iii, Appendix (Star Chamber reports, Michaelmas 8 Charles I), pp. 47–8.
21 Ibid., iii, pp. 47–8; and T. Birch, ed., The court and times of Charles the first (2 vols., London, 1849), ii, p. 182.
22 Rushworth, Historical collections, iv, p. 460; and The National Archives, Kew (TNA), SP 16/369, fo. 163.
23 For a letter of 15 Aug. 1633 from Attorney General Noy, asking to see ‘the examinations concerning Mr Lunsford’, which almost certainly refers to the case of Thomas Lunsford junior, see Calendar of state papers, domestic (CSPD), 1633–1634, p. 183. For the gaoler's subsequent comment, see CSPD, 1634–1635, p. 308.
24 Sackville to Pelham, 28 Oct. 1633, Hampton Court, BL, Additional MS, 5682, fo. 278.
25 CSPD, 1634–1635, pp. 257, 308, 471.
26 CSPD, 1635–1636, p. 322.
27 ‘W. A. S.’, ‘Lunsford’, p. 282; and TNA, SP 16/369, fos. 160–4.
28 For Lunsford's undated petition asking Charles to pardon him and to remit the two fines which were owed by him to the crown, see Steinman-Steinman, ‘Memoir’, part 4, pp. 152–3. Note also Sir John Coke's endorsement of the petition, confirming that Charles ‘is graciously pleased to pardon his offences, and to remit ye fine’, dated ‘at the Court at York, 24 April 1639’. See also Historical manuscripts commission (HMC), De Lisle and Dudley, vi (1966), p. 192; and CSPD, 1640, p. 542.
29 For a letter from the lord lieutenant of Somerset to the general of the English army, dated 22 May, stating that ‘Colonel Lundesfords’ officers were already raising soldiers in Somerset, see CSPD, 1640, p. 203.
30 Lunsford to the earl of Northumberland, 22 June 1640, Warwick, TNA, SP 16/457, fo. 91. For the privy councillors' discussion of the mutiny among Lunsford's troops six days later, see Rushworth, Historical collections, iii, p. 1191. For the royal proclamation ‘for [the] apprehending and punishing of [mutinous] souldiers’ which was issued in the wake of this discussion, on 1 July, see J. F. Larkin, ed., Stuart royal proclamations, ii:Royal proclamations of King Charles I, 1625–1646 (Oxford, 1983), pp. 716–18. For the subsequent misbehaviour of Lunsford's men near Derby, see HMC, Twelfth report, appendix, part ii, the manuscripts of the earl of Cowper (1884), pp. 257–8.
31 For Edward Hyde's comment that Lunsford was ‘of no good education’, see E. Hyde, earl of Clarendon, The history of the rebellion and Civil Wars in England, ed. W. Dunn Macray (6 vols., Oxford, 1888), i, p. 478.
32 Morgan, ‘Lunsford’, p. 776.
33 On the soldiers' mutinies of 1640, see M. C. Fissel, The bishops' wars: Charles I's campaigns against Scotland, 1638–1640 (Cambridge, 1994), ch. 7, pp. 264–86; M. Stoyle, Loyalty and locality: popular allegiance in Devon during the English Civil War (Exeter, 1994), pp. 168–9; and Cressy, England on edge, pp. 68–109.
34 Cust, Charles I, p. 263.
35 Fissel, Bishops' wars, pp. 54–6.
36 Rushworth, Historical collections, iii, pp. 1236–7.
37 C. Russell, The fall of the British monarchies, 1637–1642 (Oxford, 1992), p. 145.
38 For these machinations, see C. Russell, ‘The first army plot of 1641’, TRHS, 5th ser., 38 (1988), pp. 85–106.
39 Russell, ‘Army plot’, passim.
40 On Suckling, see T. Clayton, ‘Suckling, Sir John (1609–1641)’, in ODNB, pp. 264–70; and Wilcher, Suckling, passim.
41 For Suckling's botched attempted to seize the Tower, see Russell, ‘Army plot’, pp. 95–6; and J. Adamson, The noble revolt: the overthrow of Charles I (London, 2007), pp. 279–84.
42 See Adamson, Noble revolt, pp. 284–90; and B. Manning, The English people and the English revolution (London, 1991), p. 61.
43 Russell, ‘Army plot’, passim; and, for Suckling's death, Wilcher, Suckling, pp. 328–30.
44 A point which is well made in Cressy, England on edge, p. 107.
45 The Oxford English dictionary.
46 W. Shakespeare, King Henry V, Act iii, prologue; and idem, The second part of Henry IV, Act v, Scene iii.
47 J. Taylor, The sculler, rowing from Tiber to Thames (London, 1612), epigram 13.
48 BL, E.669, f.4 (17), The Sucklington Faction: Or (Sucklings) Roaring Boyes (single-sided broadsheet, n.p., 1641); and H. Pierce, Unseemly pictures: graphic satire and politics in early modern England (London, 2008), p. 144. John Adamson suggests that this broadsheet was first published in Dec. 1641 – or even in 1642 – but provides no evidence to support this contention, see Noble revolt, plate between pp. 394 and 395, caption; and p. 698 n. 54. It is surely more probable that the broadsheet made its appearance during the period in which public interest in Suckling was at its height; that is to say, during the weeks immediately following Sir John's attempt to introduce soldiers to the Tower in May 1641 and his subsequent flight.
49 BL, E.669, f.4 (17).
50 See Wilcher, Suckling, pp. 117, 231, 245, 267, 281–97, and 335; and J. Suckling, ‘Brennoralt: a tragedy’, in Anon., ed., Fragmenta aurea: a collection of all the incomparable peeces written by Sir John Suckling (London, 1646), sig. A2r.
51 As Wilcher notes, Suckling had already been mockingly described as an ‘exquisite Cavalier’ by the play-wright Richard Brome in either 1639 or 1640; see Wilcher, Suckling, p. 353.
52 See J[ohn] M[ennes] and Ja[mes] S[mith], Musarum deliciae: or the muses recreation (London, 1656), p. 8; and Raylor, Literary culture, pp. 170–1.
53 For the rumours that the queen had helped to inspire the Irish rebellion, see C. M. Hibbard, Charles I and the popish plot (Chapel Hill, NC, 1983), pp. 213–14.
54 For the role played by ‘oppositionist’ MPs in encouraging popular protests in the capital, see R. Ashton, The English Civil War: conservatism and revolution, 1603–1649 (London, 1978), pp. 150–1; Braddick, ‘Prayer book’, pp. 126–30; and Manning, English people, pp. 107–10 (quotation at p. 110).
55 On the ex-army officers who came to London seeking both their arrears of pay and fresh military employment in late 1641, see Clarendon, History, i, p. 456; and – for a helpful, if unsympathetic, modern discussion – Manning, English people, pp. 132–4.
56 Clarendon, History, i, p. 478. On Digby, see R. Hutton, ‘Digby, George, second earl of Bristol (1612–1677)’, in ODNB, pp. 143–6.
57 As Richard Cust has well observed, the decision to appoint Lunsford was a ‘grotesque misjudgement’ on the king's part, see Cust, Charles I and the aristocracy, p. 260.
58 For the date of Lunsford's appointment as lieutenant of the Tower, see CSPD, 1641–1643, p. 210; and BL, E.201 (4), Diurnall occurrences (London, 20–7 Dec. 1641), sig. A3v.
59 For Lunsford's financial affairs and his sister's petition, see The Parliamentary Archives, HL/PO/JO/10/1/114, fo. 80; and HL/PO/JO/10/1/59, fo. 149.
60 For a specific reference to the fact that Lunsford ‘hath been Colonell under the King of France’, see BL, E.181 (9), A bloody masacre [sic] plotted by the papists (London, 1641), p. 3.
61 D. Booy, ed., The notebooks of Nehemiah Wallington, 1618–1654: a selection (Farnham, 2007), p. 133.
62 For the text of this petition, see Rushworth, Historical collections, iv, p. 459; and, for a revealing discussion of the signatories, see K. Lindley, Popular politics and religion in Civil War London (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 104, 138–45.
63 See Journal of the House of Commons (CJ), ii, 1640–1643, p. 353 (first quotation); W. H. Coates, ed., The journal of Sir Simonds D'Ewes: from the first recess of the Long Parliament to the withdrawal of King Charles from London (Yale, CT, 1962), pp. 340, 342–3; and Hibbard, Popish plot, pp. 17, 130–1, 150 (second quotation), and 195.
64 CJ, ii, p. 353.
65 Ibid., pp. 353–7; Journal of the House of Lords (LJ), iv:1629–1642, pp. 486–8; Coates, ed., D'Ewes, pp. 339–48, and Rushworth, Historical collections, iv, pp. 459–60.
66 See Cust, Charles I and the aristocracy, p. 261.
67 BL, E.201 (5), Diurnall occurrences (London, 27 Dec. 1641 to 3 Jan. 1642), sig. A2r.
68 Ibid.; and Lindley, London, p. 106.
69 See BL, E.201 (5), sig. A2r; and Clarendon, History, i, p. 448.
70 Rushworth, Historical collections, iv, p. 463.
71 On David Hyde, see Rushworth, Historical collections, iv, pp. 463–4 (quotations at p. 463); BL, E.181 (16), The Scots loyaltie (London, 1641), sigs. A2r–A2v; E.181 (9), p. 4; Newman, Royalist officers, p. 208; and Roy, ‘Royalist reputations’, p. 104.
72 Rushworth, Historical collections, iv, pp. 463–4; BL, E.181 (16), sigs. A2v–A3r; BL, E.181 (9), pp. 3–4; BL, E.201 (5), sig. A2v; BL, Burney Collection, vol. 8* (4), Diurnall occurrences in parliament from the 27 of December to the 2d of Januarie 1641, p. 2; and BL, Burney Collection, vol. 8* (5), Diurnal occurrances, touching the dayly proceedings in parliament…27 December 1641 to 3 January , p. 2. I am most grateful to Qona Wright of the rare books and reference service at the British Library for providing me with several transcripts from the latter pamphlet, which is too fragile to be produced for readers.
73 See, for example, BL, E.181 (9), p. 4; and BL, Burney Collection, vol. 8* (5), p. 2 (quotation).
74 For the affray at Westminster Hall, and Lunsford's central role in it, see LJ, iv, pp. 490–3; Coates, ed., D'Ewes, p. 353; CSPD, 1641–1643, p. 217; HMC, Manuscripts of Lord Montagu of Beaulieu (London, 1900), pp. 137–8; BL, E.181 (9), pp. 3–5; BL, E.181 (16), sigs A2v–A3r; BL, Burney Collection, vol. 8* (4), p. 2; BL, Burney Collection, vol. 8* (5), p. 2; Booy, ed., Wallington, p. 133; BL, E.241 (1), An exact collection of all…[the] remarkable passages between the kings…majesty and his high court of parliament (London, Mar. 1643), p. 202; BL, E.45 (2), ‘W. L.’, A medicine for malignancy (London, c. 2 May 1644), pp. 10, 27; and Rushworth, Historical collections, iv, p. 464.
75 For Hyde's ‘first miniting of that term or compellation of Round-Heads’, see Rushworth, Historical collections, iv, p. 463. C. V. Wedgwood claims that it was two days later – during the skirmish of 29 Dec. – that ‘the offensive epithet’ of ‘Cavalier’ was ‘for the first time freely bandied about’, see King's war, p. 53. She may be right, but contemporary evidence on this point is frustratingly vague, and it seems more likely that it was the fight at Westminster Hall on 27 Dec. which first saw the term entering the popular political lexicon. For allusions to Lunsford and his followers as ‘Cavaliere’ or ‘Cavaliers’ in proto-parliamentarian pamphlets published in the immediate aftermath of the affrays of 27–9 Dec., see BL, E.181 (16) (London, undated, but probably c. 29 Dec. 1641), sig. A2v; BL, E.181 (21), A true relation of the most wise and worthy speech made by Captain Ven (London, undated, but probably c. 31 Dec. 1641), sig. A2r; BL, Burney Collection, vol. 8* (4), Diurnall occurrences in parliament from the 27 of December to the 2d of Januarie 1641, p. 2; BL, E.131 (16), Matters of note made known to all true Protestants (London, undated, but probably c. 8 Jan. 1642), title-page; BL, E.201 (6), Diurnall occurrences in parliament (London, 2–10 Jan. 1642), p. 3; and BL, E.181 (31), A true relation of the unparaleld breach of parliament (London, c. 11 Jan. 1642), title-page.
76 BL, E.181 (9), p. 3.
77 In the immediate aftermath of the disturbance at Westminster Hall, Lunsford and Captain Hyde were summoned to attend the House of Commons on the morning of 28 Dec., see CJ, ii, p. 357; and CSPD, 1641–1643, p. 213. There is no evidence to suggest that they did so, see Coates, ed., D'Ewes, p. 354 n. 28.
78 Russell, Fall, p. 441. See also W. A. Shaw, The knights of England, ii (London, 1906), p. 211. Lunsford was also said to have been given a pension of £500 per annum by the king at this time, see CSPD, 1641–1643, pp. 215–16; and HMC, Beaulieu, p. 138.
79 For the decision of Lunsford and his fellow ex-officers to constitute themselves as a royal guard, see Clarendon, History, i, p. 456; Calendar of state papers, Venetian (CSPV), 1640–1642, p. 272; and CSPD, 1641–1643, p. 217. For a reference to the ‘hundred soldier-like men’ who had ‘gathered to Lunsford’ at Whitehall, see HMC, Beaulieu, p. 138. For Lunsford's involvement in the skirmish of 29 Dec., see A. Fletcher, The outbreak of the English Civil War (London, 1981), p. 172; and, for the skirmish more generally, see BL, E.201 (5), sig. A3v; CSPD, 1641–1643, pp. 215–17; and HMC, Beaulieu, p. 138. For the former officers' presence at the attempted arrest of the Five Members, see HMC, Beaulieu, p. 141; CSPV, 1640–1642, p. 276; BL, E.181 (31), title-page and pp. 1–2; and BL, E.201 (6), pp. 1–3.
80 Adamson, Noble revolt, p. 499.
81 For the affair at Kingston, see CJ, ii, pp. 371–5; BL, E.201 (8), Diurnall occurrences of the heads of all the severall proceedings (London, 10–17 Jan. 1642), sig. A2v; W. H. Coates, A. S. Young, and V. Snow, eds., The private journals of the Long Parliament (London, 1982), pp. 40, 43–4, 46, 50, 51, 58, 71–2; and CSPV, 1640–1642, p. 285.
82 See, for example, BL, E.131 (9), A terrible plot against London and Westminster (London, 1642), title-page and sig. A2v; BL, E.132 (10), A letter of high consequence (n.p., 1642); and BL, E.132 (26), The parliament's care for the citie of London (n.p., 1642). I have found no independent evidence to suggest that Lunsford was a Catholic.
83 See, for example, BL, E.131 (15), A true relation of the late hurliburly at Kingston…caused by Collonell Lundsford (n.p., 1642), at p. 1; and BL, E.131 (21), To the king's most excellent majestie (London, 1642), title-page.
84 In this respect, Lunsford's case parallels that of Prince's Rupert's supposed witch-dog, ‘Boy’: another notorious royalist whose fame owed much to his depiction in a series of graphic satires, see M. Stoyle, The black legend of Prince Rupert's dog: witchcraft and propaganda during the English Civil War (Exeter, 2011), passim, especially p. 8.
85 BL, E.116 (49), All the memorable & wonder-strikinge parliamentary mercies (n.p., c. 14 Sept. 1642), unpaginated.
86 BL, E.669, f.6 (71), Come freind, array your selfe (single-sided broadsheet, n.p., n.d., but probably published in summer 1642). This image is helpfully discussed in F. G. Stephens, Catalogue of political and personal satires…in the British Museum, i:1320–1689 (London, 1879), pp. 246–8.
87 BL, E.669, f.6 (71).
88 R. Hutton, The royalist war effort, 1642–1646 (London, 1982), p. 28.
89 P. Young, Edgehill 1642: the campaign and the battle (Kineton, 1967), pp. 16, 55, 90, 118, 219–21.
90 Ibid., pp. 281, 314; BL, E.127 (29), The examination of Colonell Lunsford…taken in the fight at Kineton (London, 19 Nov. 1642); W. Hamper, ed., The life, diary and correspondence of Sir William Dugdale (London, 1827), p. 66; and Styles, P., ed., ‘The genealogie, life and death of the right honourable Robert Lorde Brooke’, Publications of the Dugdale Society, 31 (1977), p. 183.
91 For Lunsford's exchange in May 1644, see BL, E.50 (6), Mercurius Aulicus (Oxford, 12–18 May 1644), p. 986; and Hamper, ed., Dugdale, p. 66. For a letter of 14 Apr. 1644 from Sir Edward Nicholas stressing that the king would sanction no exchange of other royalist prisoners until Lunsford had been released, see G. N. Godwin, The Civil War in Hampshire (London, 1904), p. 198.
92 C. Hibbert, Cavaliers and roundheads: the English at war, 1642–1649 (London, 1993), p. 30; T. Royle, Civil War: the wars of the three kingdoms, 1638–1660 (London, 2005), p. 154; and C. Carlton, Going to the wars: the experience of the British Civil Wars, 1638–1651 (London, 1992), p. 43.
93 Clarke, A., ed., ‘A discourse between two councillors of state’, Analecta Hibernica, 26 (1970), p. 172.
94 For another, much later, suggestion that the rumours about Lunsford eating children had originated in the wake of the affair at Kingston, see W. Howell, Medulla historiae Anglicanae, being a comprehensive history of the…monarchs of England (London, 1679), p. 467.
95 The earliest version of this verse which I have so far managed to locate appears in Anon., The works of Mr John Cleveland (London, 1687), p. 382.
96 See J. Cleveland, ‘To P. Rupert’, in The character of a London diurnall: with severall select poems (n.p., 1647), p. 51; and – for a discussion of the poem and the date at which it was originally composed – Stoyle, Black legend, pp. 45–9.
97 See R. Tannahill, Flesh and blood: a history of the cannibal complex (London, 1975), pp. 32, 34; and F. Lestringant, Cannibals (Cambridge, 1997), pp. 9, 17, 22–3, 29, 30, and 70.
98 See Anon., The warnings of Germany (London, 1638), p. 50; and P. Vincent, The lamentations of Germany (London, 1638), p. 30.
99 Donagan, …B., ‘Halcyon days and the literature of war: England's military education before 1642’, Past and Present, 147 (1995), pp. 73–8, at p. 77.
100 See, for example, Wing W42, Anon., Good and bad newes from Ireland (n.p., 1642), sig. A4r; and Wing C6824, J. Cranford, The teares of Ireland (London, 1642), p. 78.
101 Pierce, H., ‘Anti-episcopacy and graphic satire in England, 1640–1645’, Historical Journal, 47 (2004), pp. 809–48.
102 Ibid., p. 833; and BL, E.177 (8), Anon., A new play called Canterburie his change of diot (n.p., Nov. [?] 1641), sig. A2r.
103 Vincent, Lamentations, p. 27.
104 See, for example, BL, E.97 (10), Mercurius Aulicus (Oxford, 2–9 Apr. 1643), p. 180; BL, E.669, f.11 (82), F. Wortley, A loyall song of the royal feast (single-sided broadsheet, n.p., 16 Sept. 1647); and Anon., Rump: or an exact collection of the choycest poems and songs relating to the late times (2 vols., London, 1662), i, p. 65.
105 Lloyd, Memoires, p. 581; and S. Butler, Hudibras: the third and last part (London, 1678), p. 175.
106 Scott, Woodstock, ii, pp. 214–27.
107 It was probably Scott's allusions to Lunsford in Woodstock which inspired Steinman-Steinman to write his pioneering historical account of Sir Thomas a decade later; he was certainly aware of Scott's novel, see, ‘Memoir’, part 1, p. 353. It is interesting, too, to note that, in a work which appeared just fifteen years after the publication of Woodstock, Lunsford could already be described as ‘the celebrated royalist officer’, see T. Wright, ed., Political ballads published in England during the Commonwealth (Percy Society, London, 1841), p. 93, footnote (italics added).
108 Most notoriously, Prince Rupert, who eventually took Lunsford's place as ‘the quintessential Cavalier’, see Stoyle, Black legend, passim; and Withington, ‘Peace’, p. 151.
109 For a brief account of Sir Thomas's last years, see Morgan, ‘Lunsford’, pp. 776–7.
* This article is a revised version of my inaugural lecture, which was delivered at the University of Southampton in 2014. I am grateful to everyone who attended on that occasion and who spoke to me about the cavalier archetype afterwards, most of all to John Walter. I am indebted to the editor of the Historical Journal and to the two anonymous readers for their comments on an earlier draft of this article – and to George Bernard, who also read the text. Finally, I would like to thank all of the former students who have discussed Sir Thomas Lunsford with me over the years, especially Chris Lawrence, Henry Gill, and Steph Kirkham.
Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this journal to your organisation's collection.
* Views captured on Cambridge Core between <date>. This data will be updated every 24 hours.
Usage data cannot currently be displayed