Hostname: page-component-8448b6f56d-jr42d Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-23T08:55:08.752Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

GREAT BRITAIN, THE UNITED STATES, AND CONSULTATION OVER USE OF THE ATOMIC BOMB, 1950–1954*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2011

MATTHEW JONES
Affiliation:
University of Nottingham

Abstract

The subject of when nuclear weapons might have to be employed by the United States during the early Cold War period was the setting for a prolonged and uneasy dialogue within the Anglo-American relationship. While British governments pressed for a formal agreement that there should be prior consultation before the atomic bomb was ever used, the Americans were determined to retain the freedom to take this crucial decision alone. This article explores the debates that ensued and the tensions that were created by this issue, between the meetings of Attlee and Truman in December 1950 and the Indochina crisis of 1954, and highlights the contrasting geopolitical positions of Britain and the United States as they sought to reconcile their views. For the British, playing host to a clutch of important US airbases, the risk of early nuclear devastation in any outbreak of general war was a paramount consideration. Although impatient with British caution, the Americans recognized an overriding need for allied support in general war giving British views the capacity to exercise a restraining influence.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Cambridge University Press 2011

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 For evidence of the closeness of nuclear relations during these years, see Ball, S. J., ‘Military nuclear relations between the United States and Great Britain under the terms of the McMahon Act, 1946–1958’, Historical Journal, 38 (1995), pp. 439–54Google Scholar. For Anglo-American nuclear relations as being the setting for strain and tension, as well as intimacy, see Clark, Ian, Nuclear diplomacy and the special relationship: Britain's deterrent and America, 1957–1962 (Oxford, 1994) pp. 36, 422–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 See, for example, Simpson, John, The independent nuclear state: the United States, Britain, and the military atom (London, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Botti, Timothy J., The long wait: the forging of the Anglo-American nuclear alliance, 1945–1958 (New York, 1987)Google Scholar; Melissen, Jan, The struggle for nuclear partnership: Britain, the United States and the making of an ambiguous alliance, 1952–59 (Groningen, 1993)Google Scholar; and Twigge, Stephen and Scott, Len, Planning Armageddon: Britain, the United States and the command of western nuclear forces, 1945–1964 (Amsterdam, 2000)Google Scholar.

3 See, for example, Duke, Simon, US defence bases in the United Kingdom: a matter for joint decision? (Basingstoke, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Ken Young's work is particularly important here; see his ‘US “atomic capability” and the British forward bases in the early Cold War’, Journal of Contemporary History, 42 (2007), pp. 117–36Google Scholar; ‘A most special relationship: The origins of Anglo-American nuclear strike planning’, Journal of Cold War Studies, 9 (2007), pp. 531CrossRefGoogle Scholar; ‘No blank cheque: Anglo-American (mis)understandings and the use of the English airbases’, Journal of Military History, 71 (2007), pp. 1133–67Google Scholar.

4 See Duke, US defence bases, pp. 75–7.

5 On growing US vulnerability, see, for example, Betts, Richard K., Nuclear blackmail and nuclear balance (Washington, DC, 1987), pp. 150–9Google Scholar.

6 Relevant works include, Geoffrey Warner, ‘Britain and the crisis over Dien Bien Phu, April 1954: The failure of United Action’, and ‘From Geneva to Manila: British policy toward Indochina and SEATO, May–September 1954’, in Lawrence S. Kaplan, Denise Artaud and Mark R. Rubin (eds.), Dien Bien Phu and the crisis of Franco-American relations, 1954–1955 (Wilmington, DE, 1990), pp. 55–80, 149–70; a condensed version of the previous two pieces appears as Geoffrey Warner, ‘The settlement of the Indochina war’, in John W. Young (ed.), The foreign policy of Churchill's peacetime administration, 1951–1955 (Leicester, 1988), pp. 233–59; Cable, James, The Geneva conference of 1954 on Indochina (London, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ruane, Kevin, ‘Anthony Eden, British diplomacy and the origins of the Geneva conference of 1954’, Historical Journal, 37, 1994, pp. 153–72CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ruane, Kevin, ‘Refusing to pay the price: British foreign policy and the pursuit of victory in Vietnam, 1952–4’, English Historical Review, cx, 435 (1995), pp. 7092CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

7 On this general issue, see Ruane, Kevin, ‘“Containing America”: aspects of British foreign policy and the Cold War in South-East Asia, 1951–54’, Diplomacy and Statecraft, 7 (1996), pp. 141–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 See ‘Articles of Agreement governing collaboration between the authorities of the U.S.A. and the U.K. in the matter of Tube Alloys’, 19 August 1943, PREM 3/139/8A, The National Archives (TNA); Sherwin, Martin J., A world destroyed: Hiroshima and its legacies, 3rd edn (Stanford, CA, 2003), pp. 85–8Google Scholar; Hewlett, Richard G. and Anderson, Oscar E. Jr., A history of the United States Atomic Energy Commission, volume I: The new world, 1939/46 (University Park, PA, 1962), pp. 270–80Google Scholar; Gowing, Margaret, Britain and atomic energy, 1939–1945 (London, 1964), pp. 168–74Google Scholar.

9 See ‘Tube Alloys’, Aide Memoire of conversation between the President and the Prime Minister at Hyde Park, 18 September 1944, PREM 3/139/10, TNA; Gowing, Britain and atomic energy, pp. 341–2Google Scholar.

10 See, for example, Field Marshal Sir Henry Maitland Wilson to Sir John Anderson, ANCAM 259, 30 April 1945, PREM 3/139/11A, TNA.

11 Various accounts of British assent to the decision to use the bomb are given in Edmonds, Robin, Setting the mould: the United States and Britain, 1945–1950 (London, 1986), pp. 52–5Google Scholar, and Twigge and Scott, Planning Armageddon, p.19. Authoritative versions are also offered in John Ehrman, ‘The atomic bomb: an account of British policy in the Second World War’ (unpublished official history produced in 1953, now open at CAB 101/45, TNA), and in Gowing, Britain and atomic energy, pp. 370–3. The documentary record can be followed in Wilson to Anderson, ANCAM 298, 23 June 1945; Wilson to Anderson, ANCAM 302, 25 June 1945; Halifax and Wilson to Anderson, ANCAM 313, 28 June 1945; Anderson to Halifax and Wilson, CANAM 343, 30 June 1945; Anderson to Halifax and Wilson, CANAM 350, 2 July 1945; extract from CPC(45)3rd mtg, 4 July 1945, CAB 126/146, TNA.

12 Anderson to Wilson, CANAM 331, 18 June 1945, CAB 126/146, TNA.

13 See Gowing, Margaret, Independence and deterrence: Britain and atomic energy, 1945–1952: volume I: policy making (London, 1974), pp. 99108Google Scholar.

14 Hewlett, Richard G. and Duncan, Francis, A history of the United States Atomic Energy Commission, volume II: atomic shield, 1947–1952 (Washington, 1969), pp. 274–5, 279–84Google Scholar.

15 See David Alan Rosenberg, ‘The origins of overkill: nuclear weapons and American strategy’, in Norman A. Graebner, ed., The national security: its theory and practice, 1945–1960 (New York, 1986), pp. 129–33.

16 See Duke, US defence bases, pp. 20–9.

17 See Young, ‘US “atomic capability” and the British forward bases’, pp. 117–22; Duke, US defence bases, pp. 46–7. For an outline of the Joint Outline Emergency War Plan (‘Offtackle’) of 26 May 1949, see Etzold, Thomas H. and Gaddis, John L., eds., Containment: documents on American policy and strategy, 1945–1950 (New York, 1978), pp. 324–39Google Scholar.

18 See Duke, US defence bases, pp. 45, 56.

19 See Stueck, William, The Korean War: an international history (Princeton, NJ, 1995), pp. 131–4Google Scholar; Casey, Steven, Selling the Korean War: propaganda, politics, and public opinion in the United States, 1950–53 (New York, 2008), p. 152CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 See Duke, US defence bases, pp. 29–36, 50–61.

21 There are numerous, and varied, accounts of these talks, see, for example, Edmonds, Setting the mould, pp. 221–4; Dingman, Roger, ‘Truman, Attlee, and the Korean War’, International Studies, 1 (1982), pp.142Google Scholar; Lowe, Peter, Containing the Cold War in east Asia: British policies towards Japan, China and Korea, 1948–53 (Manchester, 1997), pp. 215–8Google Scholar; Bullock, Alan, Ernest Bevin: foreign secretary, 1945–1951 (London, 1983), pp. 822–4Google Scholar; Acheson, Dean, Present at the creation (New York, 1969), pp. 478–85Google Scholar.

22 ‘Tab I: Use of Atomic Bomb’, n.d. [but c. 4 December 1950], President's Secretary's Files, Subject File, Conferences 1950, Truman-Attlee Talks: Briefing Book, box 141, Harry S. Truman papers, Harry S. Truman Library. Truman apparently discussed this briefing material beforehand with Acheson, see Arneson memorandum for the record, 16 January 1951, 711.5611/1–1653, Central Decimal File (CDF), Record Group (RG) 59, US National Archives (USNA).

23 See record of the Fifth meeting between President Truman and Mr Attlee at the White House, 7 December 1950, ZP3/3, FO 371/124949; Washington to FO, No 3315, 7 December 1950, FO 115/4521, TNA; memorandum for the record by Philip C. Jessup, ‘Excerpt from meeting between the President and Prime Minister in the Cabinet Room of the White House, December 7, 1950’, 711.5611/1–1653, CDF, RG 59, USNA. See also Young, ‘No blank cheque’, p. 1145.

24 See Arneson memorandum for the record, 16 January 1951, 711.5611/1–1653, CDF, RG 59. There is some dispute over who actually drafted the statement for the communiqué, with Gordon Arneson, Acheson's Special Assistant for Atomic Energy matters, claiming authorship, and contesting the popular version found in Acheson, Present at the creation, p. 484, where Sir Oliver Franks is given the credit; see R. Gordon Arneson oral history, Harry S. Truman Library. See also Danchev, Alex, Oliver Franks: founding father (Oxford, 1993), pp. 130–1Google Scholar, which recounts the Franks version.

25 See Caridi, Ronald J., The Korean War and American politics: the Republican party as a test case (Philadelphia, PA, 1968), pp. 124–5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also the Arneson oral history (cited above) where domestic political pressures on the administration are stressed, with Robert Lovett remarking that ‘One of the main reasons we got the modus vivendi through was to kill the Quebec agreement which had given the U.K. the veto on the use of atomic weapons.’

26 On this point, see Christopher E. Steel to Makins, 5 January 1951, and Makins to Steel, 15 January 1951, FO 115/4525, TNA.

27 See Franks to Makins, No 3411, 14 December 1950, FO 115/4521, TNA. See also Young, ‘No Blank Cheque’, p. 1146–7.

28 See Steel to Makins, No 3433, 16 December 1950, FO 115/4521, TNA.

29 See Makins to Steel, No 5729, 22 December 1950, FO 115/4521, TNA.

30 Steel minute, 27 December 1950, FO 115/4521, TNA.

31 Makins minute for Bevin, 19 January 1951, Yasamee, H. J. and Hamilton, K. A. (eds), Documents on British policy overseas, series II, volume IV, Korea, 1950–1951 (London, 1991), pp. 310–11Google Scholar; the exchanges over the communiqué are also briefly mentioned in Gowing, Independence and deterrence, p. 314. For the American account of this exchange, see Jessup memorandum for the record, 9 January 1951, 711.5611/1–1653, CDF, RG 59, USNA.

32 See CM 85(50)2, 12 December 1950, CAB 195/8, TNA. The newly released Cabinet notebooks give a better flavour of Attlee's sentiments here than the dry Cabinet minutes in CAB 128.

33 See ‘Facts Bearing on the Problem’, Annex I, 25 February 1953, 711.5611/3–1253, CDF, RG 59, USNA.

34 Steel to Makins, 22 October 1951, FO 115/4525, TNA.

35 Attlee to Churchill, 3 December 1950, PREM 8/1559, TNA.

36 Churchill to Attlee, 8 February 1951; Attlee to Churchill, 9 February 1951; Churchill to Attlee, 12 February 1951; Attlee to Churchill, 14 February 1951, PREM 8/1559, TNA.

37 Close consultation between US and British officials over the best tactics to employ when replying to Churchill's letter was evident throughout, see Washington (Franks) to Foreign Office (for Prime Minister), No 488, 15 February 1951; Washington (Steel) to Foreign Office (for Makins), No 524, 19 February 1951; Washington (Steel) to Foreign Office (for Makins), No 550, 21 February 1951; Washington (Franks) to Foreign Office (for Makins), No 567, 23 February 1951; Attlee to Churchill, 22 February 1951, PREM 8/1559, TNA. One result of this exchange, it is likely, was omission of any mention of the Quebec Agreement from the fifth volume of Churchill's war memoirs; see also Reynolds, David, In command of history: Churchill fighting and writing the Second World War (London, 2004), pp. 400–1Google Scholar.

38 See Confidential Annex to COS(51)6th meeting, 9 January 1951, DEFE 32/4, TNA; and Gowing, Independence and deterrence, I, pp. 315–6.

39 Minutes of a meeting held 15 January 1951, COS(51)34, 20 January 1951, DEFE 5/27, TNA.

40 ‘Atomic Warfare’, COS(51)106, 27 February 1951, DEFE 32/4, TNA.

41 COS(51)42nd meeting, Staff Conference held at No 10 Downing Street, 6 March 1951, DEFE 32/4, TNA; COS(51)50th meeting, Staff Conference held at No 10 Downing Street, 20 March 1951, DEFE 20/1, TNA; Air Chief Marshal Sir William Elliot to Lieutenant General Sir Kenneth McLean, 22 May 1951; ‘Atomic Warfare’, Note by the Secretary, COS(51)311, 28 May 1951, DEFE 20/1, TNA.; see also Young, ‘No blank cheque’, p. 1149–52.

42 Substance of discussion at joint state department-JCS meeting, 24 January 1951, Records of State-JCS Meetings, 1951–59, Meeting Summaries Project Files, Lot File 61 D 417, box 50, RG 59, USNA.

43 Substance of discussion at joint state department-JCS meeting, 27 June 1951, Records of State-JCS Meetings, 1951–59, Meeting Summaries Project Files, Lot File 61 D 417, box 50, RG 59, USNA.

44 Franks to Makins, 20 July 1951, DEFE 20/1, TNA.

45 Memorandum of conversation, discussion with British regarding use of atomic weapons, 6 August 1951, FRUS, 1951, volume I: national security affairs; foreign economic policy (Washington, 1983), pp. 875–80Google Scholar.

46 COS to Elliot, COS(W)92 (Saving), 24 August 1951, DEFE 20/1, TNA.

47 Franks to Sir William Strang, 28 August 1951, DEFE 20/1, TNA.

48 Memorandum of conversation, US-UK Consultation on Atomic Warfare, 11 September 1951, FRUS, 1951, vol. I , p. 882. See also summary of discussion between Sir Oliver Franks, Air Chief Marshal Sir William Elliot, General Bradley, Messrs. Nitze and Matthews, in Matthews to Acheson, 13 September 1951, FRUS, 1951, vol. I, pp. 883–90; Young, ‘No blank cheque’, p. 1153–7, and Danchev, Franks, pp. 133–4.

49 Attlee to Morrison, No 4328, 16 September 1951, DEFE 20/1 TNA.

50 Franks to Strang, 18 October 1951, DEFE 20/1, TNA; see also Young, ‘No blank cheque’, pp. 1157–8.

51 Franks to Strang, 20 October 1951, DEFE 20/1, TNA.

52 Report by the Directors of Plans, ‘Atomic Warfare’, JP(51)209(Final), 30 November 1951, and attached COS(51)106(Revised), DEFE 20/1, TNA.

53 Shuckburgh, Evelyn, Descent to Suez: diaries, 1951–1956 (London, 1986), p. 32Google Scholar.

54 Record of meeting on 6 January 1952, DEFE 20/1, TNA.

55 See Elliot to COS and McLean, ELL 252, 23 January 1952, DEFE 20/1, TNA; for subsequent (and fruitless) efforts to elicit more information, see COS to Elliot, KM 161, 2 February 1952; McLean to Elliot, KM 166, 4 February 1952; Elliot to Cochrane, SWE/29/52, 7 February 1952, DEFE 20/1, TNA.

56 See Franks to FO, No. 335, 30 January 1952, and record of meeting on 5 February 1952 at the state department, DEFE 20/2, TNA.

57 Franks letter to Sir William Strang, ‘Stopline’, 7 February 1952, DEFE 20/2, TNA.

58 See Franks letter to Strang, 26 April 1952, DEFE 20/2, TNA. The US officials attending the talks had included Paul Nitze, the head of the state department's Policy Planning Staff, H. Freeman Matthews, the Deputy Under-Secretary of State, and General Bradley, the Chairman of the JCS.

59 Gaddis, John Lewis, Strategies of containment: a critical appraisal of American national security policy during the Cold War (New York, 2005), pp. 145–7Google Scholar; Bowie, Robert R. and Immerman, Richard H., Waging peace: how Eisenhower shaped an enduring Cold War strategy (New York, 1998), pp. 183–7, 193–4Google Scholar.

60 See memorandum of conversation, ‘Use of United Kingdom Bases and Consultation with the United Kingdom on the Use of Atomic Weapons’, 6 March 1953, 711.5611/3–653; Dulles memorandum for Eisenhower, 7 March 1953, 711.5611/3–753; Bedell Smith memorandum for Arneson, 12 March 1953, 711.5611/3–1253, CDF, RG 59, USNA.

61 Makins to Eden, 21 February 1953, F1023/7, FO 371/105180, TNA.

62 Washington (from Eden) to Foreign Office (for Churchill), No. 531, 9 March 1953, PREM 11/431, TNA. The American records for these March 1953 meetings are by far the richer source for capturing their significance.

63 ‘Consultation with the United States on the Use of the Atomic Weapon’, undated UK memorandum covering Dulles–Eden discussion of 16 October 1953, ‘Nuclear Sharing – U.K. – Consultation; Bermuda – November–December 1953’ folder, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Politico-Military Affairs, Subject Files of the Special Assistant for Atomic Energy and Aerospace, 1950–1966, box 11, RG 59, USNA.

64 ‘Consultation with the United States on the Use of the Atomic Weapon’, undated UK memorandum covering Dulles-Eden discussion of 16 October 1953, ‘Nuclear Sharing – U.K. – Consultation; Bermuda – November–December 1953’ folder, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Politico-Military Affairs, Subject Files of the Special Assistant for Atomic Energy and Aerospace, 1950–1966, box 11, RG 59, USNA.

65 Memorandum of discussion at the 168th meeting of the NSC, 29 October 1953, Declassified Documents Reference System, online version, document number CK3100568467. The record of this meeting published by the state department in the early 1980s omitted all reference to the issue of consultation with the British over nuclear use, see FRUS, 1952–1954, vol. II: national security affairs, part 2 (Washington, 1984), p. 568Google Scholar.

66 Eisenhower had told the Prime Minister that ‘if there was a deliberate breach of the Armistice by the communists we would expect to strike back with atomic weapons at military targets. We would not expect to bomb cities but would attack areas directly supporting the aggression’, see memorandum of conversation by Dulles, 4 December 1953, FRUS, 1952–1954, vol. V: western European security, part 2 (Washington, 1983), p. 1739Google Scholar.

67 President's dictated notes of conversation with Churchill, 4 December 1953, Bermuda – Presidential notes 12/53 (1), Ann Whitman File, International series, box 3, Dwight David Eisenhower Library (DDEL).

68 Eden minute for Churchill, PM/53/337, 4 December 1953, FK1078/8G, FO 371/105540, TNA.

69 Dixon minute, 5 December 1953, FK1078/8G, FO 371/105540, TNA.

70 Strauss meeting notes, Bermuda, 5 December 1953 (11.30 am), 711.5611/12–1153, Central Decimal Files, RG 59, USNA. See also entry for 5 December 1953, Colville, John, The fringes of power: Downing Street diaries, 1939–1955 (London, 1985), p. 684Google Scholar.

71 British dinner, 5 December 1953, Bermuda – Presidential notes 12/53 (1), Ann Whitman File, International series, box 3, DDEL. See also Eisenhower, Dwight D., The White House years: mandate for change, 1953–1956 (London, 1963), p. 248Google Scholar. Eisenhower repeated the same conviction, that there should be no distinction between conventional and atomic weapons, to several other British officials at the conference, see entry for 6 December 1953, Colville, Downing Street diaries, p. 685.

72 Eden minute for Churchill, PM/53/339, 7 December 1953, FK1078/8G, FO 371/105574, TNA.

73 See Confidential Annex to BC(P)(53) 4th meeting, 10.30 am, 7 December 1953, FK1078/9G, FO 371/105540, TNA.

74 See J. L. Bullard minute, 11 February 1954, FK1078/9G, FO 371/105540, TNA. See also material in PREM 11/642, TNA.

75 Bedell Smith to Eisenhower, 29 January 1954, Bermuda – British Memorandum, Ann Whitman File, International Meetings series, box 1, DDEL.

76 ‘Korea: Action in the Event of Renewed Communist Aggression’, D(54)8, 1 February 1954, CAB 131/14, TNA.

77 See Statement by the Secretary of State to the North Atlantic Council, 23 April 1954, FRUS, 1952–1954, vol. V: western european security, part 1 (Washington, 1983), pp. 509–14Google Scholar.

78 Dulles to Department of State, 29 April 1954, enclosing Eden note to Dulles of 28 April, FRUS, 1952–1954, vol. II, pp. 1401–2; see also Secretary of State to Department of State, 29 April 1954, FRUS, 1952–1954, vol. XVI: the Geneva conference (Washington, 1981), p. 607Google Scholar.

79 Memorandum of discussion at the 195th mtg of the NSC, 6 May 1954, FRUS, 1952–1954, vol. II, p. 1424.

80 See Gibbons, William Conrad, The U.S. government and the Vietnam war: executive and legislative roles and relationships, part I: 1945–1960 (Princeton, NJ, 1986), pp. 182–97Google Scholar.

81 See Jones, Matthew, After Hiroshima: the United States, race, and nuclear weapons in Asia, 1945–1965 (Cambridge, 2010), pp. 160, 176–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

82 See J. D. Priestman to John Colville, 20 April 1954, and attached note, PREM 11/642, TNA.

83 Record of conversation, 26 April 1954, PREM 11/645, TNA.

84 Geneva (Eden) to Foreign Office, No 110, 2 May 1954, PREM 11/649, TNA.

85 See memorandum by Cutler for Smith, 30 April 1954, FRUS, 1952–1954, vol. XIII, part 2: Indochina (Washington, 1982), p. 1447Google Scholar, and note 4 for reference to Eisenhower's views.

86 See Dulles memorandum, ‘Specific Problems with the U.K.’, 16 May 1954, ‘General Foreign Policy Matters (2)’, White House Memoranda series, Dulles papers, box 8, DDEL.

87 Memorandum of discussion at the 204th mtg of the NSC, 24 June 1954, FRUS, 1952–1954, vol. II, 694–5. See also Trachtenberg, Marc, History and strategy (Princeton, NJ, 1991), p. 141Google Scholar.

88 On this key point, see ibid., p. 139; Gaddis, Strategies, pp. 132–3, 170.

89 See diary entry for 27 May 1954, in Moran, Lord, Winston Churchill: the struggle for survival (London, 1966), p. 580Google Scholar.