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THE MATERIALITY OF MARRIAGE IN THE ARTISAN COMMUNITY OF RENAISSANCE VERONA

  • ZOE FARRELL (a1)

Abstract

The implicit view in many studies of Renaissance culture is that only the very wealthy were able actively to participate in, and to influence, the changing market for consumer goods. However, in recent years there has been an increasing awareness of the importance of studying the material culture of the non-elite. Building on the work of historians such as Sandra Cavallo, Paula Hohti, and Isabella Palumbo Fossati Casa, this article explores the items within the dotal inventories of the wives and daughters of artisans in sixteenth-century Verona. Through an analysis of 100 inventories, it will be argued that during the sixteenth century, artisans and their families played an active role in the burgeoning market for consumer goods. Even in provincial cities such as Verona, artisans were able to own vast numbers of commodities, which were at once practical, luxurious, and devotional, that functioned to increase both the comfort and splendour of the household. Dotal inventories are an underused source; however, this article will demonstrate how they can shed light on the material culture of the non-noble classes in the Renaissance.

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Copyright

Corresponding author

Murray Edwards College, Cambridge, cb3 0dfzf230@cam.ac.uk

Footnotes

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I would like to thank, amongst others, Professor Mary Laven, Dr Beatrice Zucca Michaletto, Professor Edoardo Demo, Professor Paola Lanaro, and the director and staff at the Archivio di Stato di Verona, for their advice in the production of this article. I would also like to thank the reviewers of this article for their insightful and constructive feedback. This article was supported by generous scholarships from the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation, Murray Edwards College, and the Cambridge Trust.

Footnotes

References

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1 See, for example, Braudel, Fernand, The structures of everyday life: the limits of the possible (Berkeley, CA, 1992), p. 283. Others have argued that it was not until the industrial revolution that the popular classes were able to consume in a way which imitated elites; McKendrick, Neil, Brewer, John, and Plumb, J. H., The birth of consumer society: the commercialisation of eighteenth-century England (London, 1983). Paula Hohti notes that lower social groups have been ‘largely excluded from the mainstream of Renaissance material culture history’; Hohti, “Conspicuous” consumption and popular consumers: material culture and social status in sixteenth-century Siena’, Renaissance Studies, 24 (2010), pp. 654–70, at p. 655.

2 Hohti, ‘“Conspicuous” consumption and popular consumers’.

3 It has been argued that the rise of the artisan class and their ‘consumer power’ is ‘one of the single most defining characteristics’ of the early modern period; Richardson, Catherine, Hamling, Tara, and Gaimster, David, eds., The Routledge handbook of material culture in early modern Europe (Abingdon, 2017). See also Goldthwaite, Richard A., Wealth and the demand for art in Italy (London, 1995), for a detailed discussion of the changes in the Italian economy that led to a consumer revolution.

4 Rublack, Ulinka, Dressing up: cultural identity in Renaissance Europe (Oxford, 2010), p. 6. It has also been argued that dowries by their very nature encouraged upward social mobility within an increasingly competitive environment; Sperling, Jutta, Convents and the body politic in late Renaissance Venice (Chicago, IL, 1999).

5 Chojnacki, Stanley, ‘Dowries and kinsmen in early Renaissance Venice’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 4 (1975), pp. 571600. See also Kirshner, Julius and Molho, Anthony, ‘The dowry fund and the marriage market in early Quattrocento Florence’, Journal of Modern History, 50 (1978), pp. 403–38; and Klapisch-Zuber, Christiane, Women, family, and ritual in Renaissance Italy (Chicago, IL, 1985).

6 Grubb, James, Provincial families of the Renaissance (Baltimore, MD, 1996), p. 15.

7 Hughes, Diane Owen, ‘From brideprice to dowry in Mediterranean Europe’, Journal of Family History, 3 (1978), pp. 262–96, at p. 278. David Herlihy theorizes that the fall of the brideprice in favour of the traditional dowry system was probably caused by an imbalance in the number of women of marriageable age compared to men; Herlihy, The medieval marriage market’, Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 6 (1967), pp. 127. However, there remained a tradition of gift and counter gift in Renaissance Italy and rituals such as the husband ‘clothing’ his spouse were deeply embedded in the social fabric; Klapisch-Zuber, Women, family, and ritual, p. 222.

8 Herlihy, ‘The medieval marriage market’, p. 5; Lanaro, Paola, ‘Les strategies patrimoniales familiales de l’élite vénitienne au XVIIIe siècle’, Annales de Démographie Historique, 2 (2017), pp. 154–5.

9 Chojnacki, Stanley, ‘Getting back the dowry’, in Women and men in Renaissance Venice: twelve essays on patrician society (Baltimore, MD, 2000), pp. 97–8.

10 ‘Assicurazione si chiama anche l'atto, col quale la moglie si cauta e si assicura della sua dote sopra i beni del marito. Questo è un privilegio concesso dal nostro statuto alla dote, a sicurezza della quale sono ipotecati i beni del marito, dal momento che egli la riceve’; Ferro, Marco, Dizionario del diritto comune e Veneto (2 vols., Venice, 1845; orig. edn 1778–81), ii, p. 165.

11 Kirshner, Julius, ‘Wives’ claims against insolvent husbands’, in Kirshner, Julius and Wemple, Suzanne, eds., Women of the medieval world: essays in honor of John H. Mundy (Oxford, 1985), p. 258.

12 Stanley Chojnacki, ‘From trousseau to groomgift’, in Women and men in Renaissance Venice, p. 85.

13 Montemezzo, Stefania, ‘La difesa di un diritto: le donne veronesei di fronte alla dote’, in Lanaro, Paola and Smith, Alison, eds., Donne a Verona: una storia della città dal medioevo a oggi (Verona, 2011), pp. 116–23, at p. 122.

14 Kirshner, ‘Wives’ claims against insolvent husbands’, p. 257.

15 Ibid., p. 297.

16 Ibid., p. 298.

17 Castellazzi, Laura, ed., ‘Rettori Veneti’, Guida Agli Archivi di Stato – Verona (Verona, 2000), p. 1254.

18 Given the absence of folio numbers, each document will be identified by the date at the top of the source, which is the date that the document was issued by the Venetian rectors court. A common formula for these dates is as following: ‘Expedita sub die 13 Maii 1570’, for example. Many documents also include a second date, which is the date at which the dowry was originally transferred or agreed; however, not all documents include this date. The difference between the two dates was at times negligible, only a few days. However, sometimes it was a significant number of years, suggesting that at a certain point in the marriage a woman or her family, including at times her husband, felt the need to ratify and to protect the value of her dowry. Each reference also includes the Latin formula (transcribed as it is in the original, with abbreviations) at the start of each document, which names the woman in relation to her husband and father.

19 Archivio di Stato di Verona (ASVr), Atti dei Rettori Veneti a Verona (ARV), busta (b.) 98, 9 July 1570, ‘Magdalena ux. Angeli Bthei fabri de cogolo’.

20 Riello, Giorgio, ‘Things seen and unseen: the material culture of early modern inventories and their representation of domestic interiors’, in Findlen, Paula, ed., Early modern things: objects and their histories, 1500–1800 (Abingdon, 2013), pp. 125–50.

21 For a note on professional attributions, see Tagliaferri, Amelio, L'economia Veronese secondo gli estimi dal 1409 al 1635 (Milan, 1966), p. 76.

22 James Farr, Artisans in Europe (Cambridge, 2000), p. 3.

23 Paul Grendler has estimated that at the end of the sixteenth century, a master mason could earn 30 to 50 soldi a day in Venice, which equated to between 50 to 100 ducats a year, whilst assistants in the same workshop might earn only 20 soldi a day; Grendler, Aldus Manutius: humanist, teacher, and printer (Providence, RI, 1984), pp. 23–6. Note also the difference in Venetian and Veronese currency. The base currency in Verona during the period under investigation is the lira di piccolo di Verona, a currency of account. 1 lira is equivalent to 20 soldi and this in turn is the equivalent to 240 denari. 3 lire di piccolo di Verona corresponds to 4 Venetian lire di piccolo; Demo, Edoardo, ‘L'anima della città’. L'industria tessile a Verona e Vicenza (1400–1550) (Milan, 2001), p. 21.

24 Farr, James, Hands of honor: artisans and their world in Dijon, 1550–1650 (Ithaca, NY, 1988), p. 10.

25 Welch, Evelyn, Shopping in the Renaissance: consumer cultures in Italy, 1400–1660 (London, 2009), pp. 130–2.

26 For a detailed glossary of professions in Verona, see Tagliaferri, L'economia Veronese, pp. 207–16.

27 de Vries, Jan, The industrious revolution: consumer behaviour and the household economy, 1650 to the present (New York, NY, 2008).

28 Renata Ago, translated by Bouley, Bradford and Tazzara, Corey, Findlen, with Paula, Gusto for things: a history of objects in seventeenth-century Rome (London, 2013). See also Weatherill, Lorna, Consumer behaviour and material culture in Britain, 1660–1760 (London, 1988).

29 Goldthwaite, Wealth and the demand for art in Italy.

30 Whilst every inventory analysed also included items of table and kitchenware, such as pots, pans, and spoons, these have not been included in this discussion.

31 Roberts argues that for the elite, beds conferred social status and were built to be passed down through generations, demonstrating both financial power and fashionable taste; Roberts, Sasha, ‘“Let me the curtains draw”: the dramatic and symbolic properties of the bed in Shakespearean tragedy’, in Harris, Jonathan Gil and Korda, Natasha, eds., Staged properties in early modern English drama (Cambridge, 2002), pp. 153–75.

32 Cavallo also notes that many artisans in Renaissance Genoa had a high number of beds within their household inventories, which she argues is a reflection of the transitory nature of artisan lifestyles and family structures, with many sons, daughters, and relatives leaving home and then returning for intermittent periods; Cavallo, Sandra, ‘The artisan's casa’, in Ajmar-Wollheim, Marta and Dennis, Flora, eds., At home in Renaissance Italy (London, 2006), pp. 6676, at p. 73.

33 Thornton, Peter, The Italian Renaissance interior (London, 1991), p. 111.

34 Lettiere were large pieces of furniture and were distinguished from normal beds in that they had tall headboards, capped with a cornice; Thornton, The Italian Renaissance interior, p. 114.

35 Paula Hohti, ‘Material culture, shopkeepers and artisans in sixteenth-century Siena’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Sussex, 2006).

36 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 20 Oct. 1569, ‘Appolonie fq. franci. pistoris et ux. Barthei. pistoris’.

37 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 26 Nov. 1573, ‘m. Isepo di Zonzi spadari quali si decriveno d. sicuratio. et conservation della docte de madna. Margerita sua moglie et figliola ch. fu del q. m. Zabatista flaminio’.

38 ASVr, ARV, b. 149, 20 Dec. 1595, ‘Catherina moglie de mo. Battista calzarer d. Mantova’.

39 Cavallo, ‘The artisan's casa’, p. 73.

40 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 8 Jan. 1567, ‘Barbere filie M. Michaelis pistori d. Brimelis d. ferabobus, uxori M. Pauli intagliatoris’.

41 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 18 June 1566, ‘Floris de belle fq. Joannis Avanzoni, et ux. Antonii pistoris’.

42 ASVr, ARV, b. 149, 6 Feb. 1596, ‘Anna moglie di M. Bartolamio Zaneti filatorio’.

43 The link to Germany is mentioned a number of times within this sample. This is significant as Verona was seen as the gateway for trade with the Holy Roman Empire and had strong links with cities such as Augsburg and Nuremberg. From this evidence, it seems that artisans were involved in the consumption of goods from the north. ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 20 June 1570, ‘libera fq m. laurentio sartor et ux. m. Calisto pistor’.

44 Thornton argues that canopied structures indicated high rank for the person who slept in the bed and this was often associated with princely culture; Thornton, The Italian Renaissance interior, p. 125.

45 Claudio Paolini, ‘Chests’, in Ajmar-Wollheim and Dennis, eds., At home in Renaissance Italy, pp. 120–2.

46 ASVr, ARV, b.106, 26 Nov. 1573, ‘m. Isepo di Zonzi spadari quali si decriveno d. sicuratio. et conservation della docte de madna. Margerita sua moglie et figliola ch. fu del q. m. Zabatista flaminio’.

47 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 6 Mar. 1567, ‘Clara fq. d. floravati d. Zavatifiis et ux. franci. d. Seledo biretarii’.

48 The abundance of colour in artisan households is also something that has been noted by Casa, Isabella Palumbo Fossati in ‘L'interno della casa dell'artigiano e dell'artista nella Venezia del cinquecento’, Studi Veneziani, 8 (1984), pp. 109–53.

49 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 12 July 1570, ‘Lucia fq. Dnici. Belini de bevevaria, ux. Btholomei tiratoris biretor’.

50 The camera was a multi-purpose domestic space, usually where the bed was kept. The sala was a reception room, sometimes a large hallway in the centre of the house, used to receive family and guests.

51 Hohti, ‘“Conspicuous” consumption and social status in sixteenth-century Italy’, p. 666.

52 Razzall has drawn attention to the literary and symbolic associations of containers in early modern literature; Lucy Razzall, ‘Containers and containment in early modern literature’ (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge, 2012).

53 Francesco Sansovino, Venetia città nobilissima, translated and quoted in Brown, Patricia Fortini, Private lives in Renaissance Venice: art, architecture, and the family (New Haven, CT, 2005), p. 3.

54 See Storey, Tessa, Carnal commerce in Counter-Reformation Rome (Cambridge, 2008); Raffaella Sarti, translated by Cameron, Allan, Europe at home: family and material culture, 1500–1800 (New Haven, CT, 2002).

55 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 20 June 1570, ‘libera fq m. laurentio sartor et ux. m. Calisto pistor’; ASVr, ARV, b. 120, 4 Feb. 1580, ‘camilla moglie d. mro. Bthe. pelizzar’.

56 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 31 Aug. 1570, ‘Diamante fq. Zanetto di calzareri de isola dalla Scalla. Et muliero [sic] d. Francesco Bonaventura caliaro de giebetto’.

57 Ago notes how in eighteenth-century Rome, the Ugolini household, which was large enough to have eighteen rooms, contained seventy-four different chairs. She argues that lower down the social scale, houses with smaller numbers of rooms did not have the capacity to accommodate a large number of desks, and this is reflected in the smaller number of chairs. This was evidently the case for artisans, whose homes would have been, on the whole, very small. Yet, in relation to the size of a small artisan home, the number of chairs listed in the inventories is striking. See Ago, Gusto for things, p. 85.

58 Storey notes how in Counter-Reformation Rome, prostitutes often had an abundance of chairs in their homes, which were used for entertaining a variety of guests. The higher the status of the prostitute, the grander her seating was expected to be; Storey, Carnal commerce. On the importance of chairs to sociability, see also Hellman, Mimi, ‘Furniture, sociability, and the work of leisure in eighteenth-century France’, Eighteenth-Century Studies, 32 (1999), pp. 415–45.

59 Ajmar-Wollheim and Dennis, eds., At home in Renaissance Italy. See also Wilson, Timothy, ‘Maiolica on the credenza’, in Maiolica: Italian Renaissance ceramics in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York, NY, 2016).

60 Quiviger, François, The sensory world of Italian Renaissance Art (London, 2010), p. 159.

61 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 6 May 1573, ‘franca. filia q. Leonardi Masoni et ux. prud. Jo.s petri formagerii’.

62 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 20 June 1570, ‘libera fq m. laurentio sartor et ux. m. Calisto pistor’.

63 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 6 May 1573, ‘franca. filia q. Leonardi Masoni et ux. prud. Jo.s petri formagerii’.

64 Poole, Julia, Italian maiolica (Melbourne, 1997), p. 5. See also Thornton, Dora and Wilson, Timothy, Italian Renaissance ceramics: a catalogue of the British Museum collection (London, 2009).

65 Poole notes how the Este of Ferrara started to order maiolica by the early sixteenth century, suggesting a significant rise in its status as a commodity; Poole, Italian maiolica, p. 5.

66 Poole refers to the ‘great boom’ in the production of maiolica during the Renaissance in Italian maiolica, p. 3. See also Syson, Luke and Thornton, Dora, Objects of virtue: art in Renaissance Italy (London, 2001), p. 200.

67 Burke, Peter, The historical anthropology of early modern Italy (Cambridge, 1987), p. 132.

68 Cavallo argues that in Renaissance Genoa, clothes were the most valuable part of an artisan's assets; Cavallo, ‘The artisan's casa’, p. 72.

69 It has been argued that ‘a passion for fashion’ became a wide social phenomenon in the early modern period, with clothing used as a tool in an effort to project particular identities; Rublack, Ulinka and Hayward, Maria, eds., The first book of fashion: the book of clothes of Matthäus & Veit Konrad Schwarz of Augsburg (London, 2015). See also Riello, Giorgio, ‘Fabricating the domestic: the material culture of textiles and the social life of the home in early modern Europe’, in Lemire, Beverly, ed., The force of fashion in politics and society: global perspectives from early modern to contemporary times (Helsinki, 2006), pp. 4166.

70 Allerston, Patricia, ‘Clothing and early modern Venetian society’, Continuity and Change, 15 (2000), pp. 367–90, at p. 375. See also Davis, Robert, Shipbuilders of the Venetian Arsenal (London, 1991).

71 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 6 Aug. 1573, ‘Catharina figliola di Gregorio di Crisponi, et moglie de dnego. bussolar’.

72 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 10 Dec. 1569, ‘Simona muier d. mo. bapa. sartor’.

73 Hohti, ‘“Conspicuous” consumption and social status in sixteenth-century Italy’, p. 666.

74 Demo notes that by 1571, Veronese merchants had over 100,000 ducats of credit after selling silk to markets in ‘Bolzano, Antwerp, Lyons, London and Nuremberg’, and looms within the city produced around 45–50 tons of silk between 1581 and 1589; Demo, Edoardo, ‘Wool and silk. The textile urban industry of the Venetian mainland (15th–17th centuries)’, in Lanaro, Paola, ed., At the centre of the old world: trade and manufacturing in Venice and on the Venetian mainland, 1400–1800 (Toronto, 2006), pp. 231–7, at p. 231.

75 This number excludes those inventories which include items where the status of the fabric is ambiguous. The fabric zambelletto, for example, is mentioned frequently in the sample. Zambelletto, or camlet, was a ribbed fabric made of a combination of materials, which could be given a watered finish to make it appear like silk, without actually being silk. However, some zambelletto fabrics were made with silk, particularly within Venice and the Venetian empire. Such a name could therefore refer to woollen or silk cloth and thus has not been included in the figure.

76 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 6 Aug. 1573, ‘Catharina figliola di Gregorio di Crisponi, et moglie de dnego. bussolar’.

77 ASVr, ARV, b. 93, 8 Jan. 1564, ‘Joana ux. Mathei textoris’.

78 ASVr, ARV, b. 149, 6 Feb. 1596, ‘Anna moglie di M. Bartolamio Zaneti filatorio’.

79 Rublack has noted how black fabrics had particular associations with high status in early modern cities; Rublack, Dressing up.

80 Mola notes how in the year 1555–6, 24 bolts of black velvet were produced in Verona. This then increased to 63 bolts in 1556–7, before falling off slightly in 1557–8, and recovering to 97.5 bolts in 1558–69. Mola, Luca, The silk industry of Renaissance Venice (London, 2000), p. 273.

81 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 7 Dec. 1569, ‘Iseppa figliolo d. m. Simon molinar et molier d. m. Constantio filatorio milanese’.

82 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 23 May 1570, ‘camillam fq. Bnardini. Dicti Dini molendinarii del Piva de Brayda, et uxoris Disor. Joannis filatorii’.

83 Vecellio, Cesare, Habiti antichi et moderni: the clothing of the Renaissance world, Europe, Asia, Africa and the Americas, ed. and trans. Rosenthal, Margaret F. and Jones, Ann Rosalind (London, 2008), p. 106.

84 ASVr, ARV, b. 120, 4 Feb. 1580, ‘camilla moglie d. mro. Bthe. pelizzar’; ASVr, ARV, b. 112, 27 June 1577, ‘Isabeta fiola di…et muie di Mihele fora foi pistore’.

85 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 10 Dec. 1569, ‘Simona muier d. mo. bapa. sartor’.

86 ASVr, ARV, b. 104, 12 Nov. 1570, ‘madalena filia q. m. dominici molendinarii d. mozanbano et uxor. Angeli molendinari paduani’.

87 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 14 Feb. 1570, ‘Dnica fq. Antonii Peregrini Bergomensis et ux. dnice. textoris’.

88 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 22 Aug. 1573, ‘I/Angele filie m. Martini marangoni et ux. m. Cesaris marangoni’.

89 Many, including Smith, have stressed that the division between fine arts and decorative and domestic arts is an entirely a modern creation; Smith, Pamela, The body of the artisan: art and experience in the scientific revolution (Chicago, IL, 2004), p. 27. Rublack has similarly argued that to recover the ‘visual experience of people in the Renaissance’, we must look at a range of artefacts from high end painting, to clothing, shoes, hats, and other seemingly mundane items; Rublack, Ulinka, ‘Matter in the material Renaissance’, Past and Present, 219 (2013), pp. 4185.

90 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 10 July 1567, ‘Bthea. fq. Bthei. cagiate d Beneronia, et ux. m. Francisci murarii’.

91 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 20 June 1570, ‘libera fq. m. laurentio sartor et ux. m. Calisto pistor’.

92 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 20 Oct. 1569, ‘Appolonie fq. franci. pistoris et ux. Barthei. pistoris’.

93 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 6 Mar. 1567, ‘Clara fq. d. floravati d. Zavatifiis et ux. franci. d. Seledo biretarii’.

94 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 24 Nov. 1561, ‘Maria fq. d. Zorzo di Angli de Voltolina, et consorte in secundo mrimonio. d. m. Gerardo calzarero’.

95 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 12 Jan. 1570, ‘Lucretia fq. Jacobi gipsi, et uxor Laurentii biretarii’.

96 Cavallo, ‘The artisan's casa’, p. 70.

97 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 6 Aug. 1573, ‘Catharina figliola di Gregorio di Crisponi, et moglie de dnego. bussolar’.

98 For debate surrounding women's work, see Roper, Lyndal, The holy household: women and morals in Reformation Augsburg (Oxford, 1989), and Vickery, Amanda, ‘Golden age to separate spheres? A review of the categories and chronology of English women's history’, Historical Journal, 35 (1993), pp. 383414. See also Micheletto, Beatrice Zucca, ‘Reconsidering the southern European model: dowry, women's work and marriage patterns in pre-industrial urban Italy (Turin, second half of the 18th century)’, History of the Family, 16 (2011), pp. 354–70.

99 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 4 Mar. 1567, ‘Marine fq. S. Petri d. paderano murarii et ux. S. Jacobi’.

100 On the importance of the materiality of religion within the Italian Renaissance home, see Corry, Maya, Howard, Deborah and Laven, Mary, eds., Madonnas and miracles: the holy home in Renaissance Italy (London, 2007).

101 Irene Galandra Cooper and Mary Laven reject the idea that Renaissance commodification led to secularization. Instead, they argue that devotion and worldliness should not be polarized. Commodification often went side-by-side with devotion; Galandra Cooper and Laven, ‘The material culture of piety in the Italian Renaissance: re-touching the rosary’, in Richardson, Hamling, and Gaimster, eds., Routledge handbook of material culture in early modern Europe, pp. 338–53.

102 Musacchio, Jacqueline, ‘Lambs, coral, teeth, and the intimate intersection of religion and magic’, in Cornelison, Sally J. and Montgomery, Scott Bradford, eds., Images, relics, and devotional practices in late medieval and Renaissance Italy (Ariz, 2006), pp. 139–56. See also Galandra Cooper, ‘Materiality of domestic devotion’ (Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge, 2017), and Tescione, Giovanni, Italiani alla pesca del corallo (Naples, 1968).

103 Galandra Cooper and Laven, ‘The material culture of piety’, p. 340.

104 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 20 Aug. 1573, ‘Benedicta fq. Prudentis viri Nicolini de Nicolinis de Santa Maria inorganis uxori Prudentis viri Antonii spatarii’.

105 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 10 July 1567, ‘Bthea. fq. Bthei. cagiate d Beneronia, et ux. m. Francisci murarii’.

106 ASVr, ARV, b. 98, 23 May 1570, ‘camillam fq. Bnardini. Dicti Dini molendinarii del Piva de Brayda, et uxoris Disor. Joannis filatorii’.

107 Hinton, Jack, ‘By sale, by gift: aspects of the resale and bequest of goods in late-sixteenth-century Venice’, Journal of Design History, 15 (2002), p. 245. See also Tycz, Katie, ‘Mourning rings’, in Avery, Victoria, Calaresu, Melissa, and Laven, Mary, eds., Treasured possessions: from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment (London, 2015), pp. 235–7.

108 Francesco Sansovino, quoted in Hinton, ‘By sale, by gift’, p. 245. See also Mirabella, Bella, ed., Ornamentalism: the art of Renaissance accessories (Ann Arbor, MI, 2011).

109 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 27 June 1573, ‘Lucie filia picole q. Lazan beccarii et ux. Antii Prentossi brentarii’.

110 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 21 Nov. 1573, ‘Helene ux. Jacobi scartezini’.

111 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 20 Aug. 1575, ‘Benedicta fq. Prudentis viri Nicolini de Nicolinis de Santa Maria inorganis uxori Prudentis viri Antonii spatarii’.

112 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 6 May 1573, ‘franca. filia q. Leonardi Masoni et ux. prud. Jo.s petri formagerii’.

113 ASVr, ARV, b. 96, 27 Mar. 1566, ‘Agneti fq. Vectoris barberii d. Malsesino, et ux. Matthei Lipelle textoris’. Musacchio has noted the frequent grouping of more obviously sacred objects such as the Agnus Dei and the cross, with amulet-like objects such as coral; Musacchio, ‘Lambs, coral, teeth, and the intimate intersection of religion and magic’. See also Cooper, GalandraInvestigating the “case” of the Agnus Dei in sixteenth-century Italian homes’, in Corry, Maya, Faini, Marco, and Meneghin, Alessia, eds., Domestic devotions in early modern Italy (Leiden, 2017), pp. 220–43.

114 ASVr, ARV, b. 106, 22 Aug. 1573, ‘Benedicta fq. Prudentis viri Nicolini de Nicolinis de Santa Maria inorganis uxori Prudentis viri Antonii spatarii’.

115 ASVr, ARV, b. 135, 3 Jan. 1590, ‘Bthea. fq. Joannis Bapte. Cavalarii et uxoris Pru. Dominici Bontempi cerdonis’.

116 Greenblatt, Stephen, Renaissance self-fashioning: from More to Shakespeare (London, 2005).

I would like to thank, amongst others, Professor Mary Laven, Dr Beatrice Zucca Michaletto, Professor Edoardo Demo, Professor Paola Lanaro, and the director and staff at the Archivio di Stato di Verona, for their advice in the production of this article. I would also like to thank the reviewers of this article for their insightful and constructive feedback. This article was supported by generous scholarships from the Gladys Krieble Delmas Foundation, Murray Edwards College, and the Cambridge Trust.

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