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Modernity, the State, and New Medical Histories in Non-European Contexts

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The colonial life of pharmaceuticals: medicine and modernity in Vietnam. By Laurence Monnais, translated by Noémi Tousignant. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019. Pp. x + 280. ISBN 9781108474665. £75.00 (hardcover).

Vernacular medicine in colonial India: family, market and homeopathy. By Shinjini Das. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019. Pp. xiv + 292. ISBN 9781108420624. £65.00 (hardcover).

Mass vaccination: citizen's bodies and state power in modern China. By Mary Augusta Brazelton. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2019. Pp. xvii + 237. ISBN 9781501739989. $47.95 (hardcover).

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 February 2023

Saurabh Mishra*
Affiliation:
Department of History, University of Sheffield, Sheffield, UK

Extract

Histories of medicine and science in the colonies have, conceptually and theoretically, travelled some distance in the last three decades. While public health and epidemics in certain Asian contexts,1 and mental health and medical stereotypes in the African case,2 appear to have preoccupied historians during the early years, there has been an increasing willingness to charter new paths and explore new possibilities. This has made the sub-discipline more exciting and inter-disciplinary – for example, the move away from the state and its discourses has led to an increased attention to other forms of medical treatments and their interactions with regional publics. The interdisciplinarity, too, is evident in seemingly innocuous changes. For instance, medical historians have begun to make more frequent use of the term ‘health’, which, until the noughties at least, was a concept mostly employed by sociologists and anthropologists. It is heartening to see that all four books under review, to a greater or lesser extent, bridge these divides in obvious and not-so-obvious ways.

Type
Review Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press.

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References

1 Kennedy, Dane, ‘Perils of the midday sun: climatic anxieties in the colonial tropics’, in MacKenzie, John, ed., Imperialism and the natural world (Manchester, 1990)Google Scholar; Anderson, Warwick, ‘Climates of opinion: acclimatization in nineteenth-century France and England’, Victorian Studies, 35 (1992), pp. 135–57Google ScholarPubMed; Kupperman, Karen Ordahl, ‘Fear of hot climates in the Anglo-American colonial experience’, William and Mary Quarterly, 41 (1984), pp. 213–40CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; Harrison, Mark, Public health in British India: Anglo-Indian preventive medicine, 1859–1914 (Cambridge, 1994)Google Scholar; Arnold, David, Colonizing the body: state medicine and epidemic disease in nineteenth-century India (Berkeley, CA, 1993)Google Scholar; Arnold, David, ed., Imperial medicine and indigenous societies (Manchester, 1988)Google Scholar.

2 See Vaughan, Megan, ‘Idioms of madness: Zomba Lunatic Asylum, Nyasaland, in the colonial period’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 9 (1983), pp. 218–38CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; McCulloch, J., Colonial psychiatry and the African mind (Cambridge, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. One of the earliest works on medical history in Africa, though, did not deal with this subject but was more concerned with the European experience of excessive mortality in Africa: Curtin, Philip D., The image of Africa: British ideas and action, 1780–1850 (Madison, WI, 1964)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3 This is, of course, reducing the huge diversity within post-colonial works, and is slightly unfair to their considerable contributions. These studies have certainly given us new strategies for re-reading historical sources, while also underlining the power of discourses. They have also highlighted the importance of the notion of resistance and agency, which have enriched historical writings.

4 See, for example, Harrison, Mark, Worboys, Michael, and Bhattacharya, Sanjoy, eds., Fractured states: smallpox, public health and vaccination policy in British India, 1800–1947 (Hyderabad, 2009)Google Scholar. This was not just true for the state, but also for non-state actors such as missionaries. See Ruramisai, Charumbira, ‘Administering medicine without a license: missionary women in Rhodesia's nursing history, 1890–1901’, Historian, 68 (2006), pp. 241–66Google Scholar; Proctor, J., ‘Scottish medical missionaries in South Arabia, 1886–1979’, Journal of Middle Eastern Studies, 42 (2006), pp. 103–21Google Scholar. In fact, even non-biomedical forms of medicine that were administered by European doctors (and therefore perceived as being linked to the state) attracted a huge clientele. See Ernst, Waltraud, ‘“Under the influence” in British India: James Esdaile's Mesmeric Hospital in Calcutta, and its critics’, Psychological Medicine, 25 (1995), pp. 1113–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

5 Two articles, written in two different regional contexts, argue convincingly that indigenous response was, in fact, thoroughly in line with their previous experiences of biomedicine: Rajnarayan Chandravarkar, ‘Plague, panic and epidemic politics in India, 1896–1914’, in Paul Slack and Terence Ranger, eds., Epidemics and ideas: essays on the historical perception of pestilence (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 203–40; and Terence Ranger, ’The influenza pandemic in Southern Rhodesia: a crisis of comprehension’, in Arnold, ed., Imperial medicine, pp. 172–88.

6 Porter, Roy, ‘The patient's view: doing medical history from below’, Theory and Society, 14 (1985), p. 176CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

7 For the idea of multiple modernities, see Eisenstadt, S. N., ‘Multiple modernities in an age of globalization’, Canadian Journal of Sociology, 24 (1999), pp. 283–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Sanjay Seth explores this idea further in ‘Is thinking with “modernity” Eurocentric?’, Cultural Sociology, 10 (2016), pp. 385–98. See, also, Van der Veer, Peter, ‘The global history of “modernity”’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 41 (1998), pp. 285–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Weinbaum, A. E., The modern girl around the world: consumption, modernity, and globalization (Durham, NC, 2008)Google Scholar. On the idea of hybridities, see Homi Bhabha, Location of culture (Abingdon, 1994). The idea of hybridity, modernities, and ambivalences in the use of everyday technologies has been employed by various authors in a special issue titled ‘Everyday technology in South and Southeast Asia’, in Modern Asian Studies, 46, 1 (2012).

8 See Gupta, Akhil, ‘Blurred boundaries: the discourse of corruption, the culture of politics, and the imagined state’, American Ethnologist, 22 (1995), pp. 375402CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Mbembe, Achille, ‘The banality of power and the aesthetics of vulgarity in the postcolony’, Public Culture, 4 (1992), pp. 130CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Brown, Wendy, ‘Finding the man in the state’, Feminist Studies, 18 (1992), pp. 734CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9 Proponents of homeopathy, such as Amritalal Basu, upheld it as ‘the only form of western medicine that the Hindus could happily consume without any fear of losing their faith’: Vernacular medicine in colonial India, p. 141.

10 One of the gaps in Das's work is the relative lack of attention to homeopathy in the mofussils, though she does mention it fleetingly at several places. To be fair, though, as a pioneering work on the theme, it certainly cannot be expected to cover such a wide range of issues.

11 In recent times, a similar argument has been made by David Arnold in his fascinating work on everyday technologies: Everyday technology: machines and the making of India's modernity (Chicago, IL, 2013).

12 Nandy, Ashis, The Tao of cricket: on games of destiny and the destiny of games (Delhi, 1989), p. 1Google Scholar.

13 This idea of antagonism between religion and modernity persists in popular thought, despite the fact that a number of scholars have shown that the onset of modernity might actually have strengthened religious beliefs/practices. This argument has been made most recently by Janaki Nair in ‘Modernity and “publicness”: the career of the Mysore Matha, 1880–1940’, Indian Economic and Social History Review, 57 (2020), pp. 5–29. Another recent work that discusses the larger concept of ‘medical hygiene’, while also exploring the supposed divisions between the ‘traditional’ and the ‘modern’, is Formichi, Chiara, ‘The modernity of tradition: women and “healthy progress” in late colonial Java and Sumatra’, Modern Asian Studies, 56 (2022), pp. 19832017CrossRefGoogle Scholar. I use the word ‘hypermodern’ to refer to a time when contemporaries felt that tremendously accelerated developments were taking place on a number of fronts in society, one of which was medicine.

14 Harrison, Mark, Medicine and victory: British medical medicine in the Second World War (Oxford, 2004)Google Scholar. Indeed, journals like Military Medicine are becoming increasingly popular, and new ones on similar themes are continuously coming into existence.

15 For one of the earliest works on the idea, see Schlesier, K. H., ‘Epidemics and Indian middlemen: rethinking the wars of the Iroquois, 1609–1653’, Ethnohistory, 23 (1976), pp. 129–46CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; for a recent exposition on it, see Amna Khalid and Ryan Johnson, eds., Public health in the British empire: intermediaries, subordinates and public health practice, 1850–1960 (New York, NY, 2012).

16 As a specialist in modern Indian history, I could not help seeing a parallel between ‘political doctors’ in Indonesia and ‘political lawyers’ in India.

17 See, for example, Lonsdale, John, ‘Mau Maus of the mind: making Mau Mau and remaking Kenya’, Journal of African History, 31 (1990), pp. 393421CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Gilroy, Paul, Postcolonial melancholia (New York, NY, 2004)Google Scholar, see especially the chapter entitled ‘Has it come to this?’.

18 One of the interesting things about Dutch rule in Indonesia was that it was possible, at least theoretically, to be naturalized as a Dutch citizen. However, the distinction between the two groups never completely disappeared in reality.

19 See, for example, Mark S. R. Jenner and Patrick Wallis, eds., Medicine and the market in England and its colonies, c. 1450 – c. 1850 (Basingstoke, 2007); Ueyama, Takahiro, Health in the marketplace: professionalism, therapeutic desires, and medical commodification in late-Victorian London (Palo Alto, CA, 2010)Google Scholar. For an older work on medical markets, see Porter, Roy, Health for sale: quackery in England, 1660–1850 (Manchester, 1989)Google Scholar.

20 On the idea of multiple maternities, see Eisenstadt, S. N., ‘Multiple modernities’, Daedalus, 129 (2000), pp. 130Google Scholar; Comaroff, J. and Comaroff, J. L., ‘Theory from the south: or, how Euro-America is evolving toward Africa’, Anthropological Forum, 22 (2012), pp. 113–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

21 Partha Chatterjee, ‘Our modernity’, SEPHIS/CODESRIA Lecture, Dakar, 1996; published online at: https://ccs.ukzn.ac.za/files/partha1.pdf (accessed 10 Dec. 2022).